Principles for nation: rights and democracy

 

By Chen Lung-chu

Saturday, Dec 13, 2003,Page 8

 

Dec. 10 was International Human Rights Day. It was also the 55th anniversary of the UN General Assembly's passage of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Following the UN's passage of this declaration in 1948, the concept that "all human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights," has become a major trend in the development of human civilization.

 

The development of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights over the past 55 years has made human rights the common standard that all humanity has been working hard to realize, and the yardstick by which the legitimacy of governments is measured. It has also become the symbol of the advancement of countries and societies.

 

"Building our nation upon the principles of human rights" is a core ideal in President Chen Shui-bian's policy as the government directs its efforts towards three policies: the ratification of international human rights legislation; setting up a National Human Rights Commission; and strengthening exchanges and interaction with international non-governmental human rights organizations. To this purpose, an Advisory Group on Human Rights and a national human rights memorial museum initiative committee have been set up under the Presidential Office; a human rights guarantee initiative has been set up under the Cabinet; while a draft law governing the national human rights commission's exercise of power and a draft national human rights commission institutional law have been submitted to the Legislative Yuan for review.

 

I hope the Legislative Yuan will not continue to drag its feet on human rights legislation.

 

It is true, though, that the government has written and published a Human Rights Policy White Paper and a human rights report to better connect to and strengthen interaction with the international community on human rights issues and improve public human rights awareness.

 

On Oct. 31, when Chen was presented with a human rights award by the International League for Human Rights in New York, this affirmed his success in "building our nation upon the principles of human rights." It also represented the international community's approval and encouragement of Taiwan's efforts in the quest for democracy, freedom and respect for and protection of human rights.

 

Article 21 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights includes the words: "The will of the people shall be the basis of the authority of government." In other words, a government's power comes from the people. A constitution not only regulates a country's political system, but also its people's rights and obligations. All the people of Taiwan must, therefore, participate in a process to create a new constitution for Taiwan, to show the people's will by making the final decision on the adoption of a new constitution in a national referendum.

 

A constitution is often called the guarantor of a people's rights. The human rights clauses in our nation's constitution are incomplete and outdated.

 

The creation of a new constitution must give careful and comprehensive consideration to and absorb the ideals of the standards and experience accumulated in international human rights legislation over the past 50 to 60 years, as well as Taiwan's national situation and needs. For example, the establishment of the National Human Rights Commission and human rights legislation should be included in the new constitution.

 

These were our wishes and visions on Dec. 10, International Human Rights Day.

 

Chen Lung-chu is the chairman of the Taiwan New Century Foundation.

 

 

Demonstrators criticize Bush for bowing to China

 

PROTESTS: In a rally at the American Institute in Taiwan, activists accused the US of applying `double standards' in its support for democracy worldwide

 

By Chang Yun-ping

STAFF REPORTER , WITH CNA

Saturday, Dec 13, 2003,Page 3

 

Representatives of pro-Taiwan independence groups, in masks representing US President George W. Bush and Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao, protest Washington's bowing to pressure from Beijing in front of the American Institute in Taiwan yesterday.

 

 

Pro-independence activists yesterday staged protests near the Taipei-based American Institute in Taiwan, accusing US President George W. Bush of bowing to pressure from China and undermining democratic development in Taiwan.

 

The Alliance to Campaign for Rectifying the Name of Taiwan led a group of supporters to protest near the AIT, saying Bush's remarks were "inappropriate" and, when considered along with the US' stance towards the democratization of Iraq, revealed a double standard.

 

Shouting "No missiles, we want peace and a referendum," nearly 30 protesters created a small stir near the AIT. Police were called in to prevent the protesters from getting too close to the institute. The police said the protest was not legally registered.

 

The demonstrators were confined to protesting in front of the National Health Insurance Bureau building, next to the AIT.

 

Peter Wang, executive director of the alliance, said yesterday that Bush's remarks were not only inappropriate but have undermined the notions of democracy and freedom as the founding ideals of the US.

 

"The purpose of President Chen Shui-bian's referendum is to demand that China stop pointing its missiles at Taiwan, because we want peace across the Taiwan Strait. What's wrong with that? Bush's bowing to Chinese pressure and trying to deny the Taiwanese people this right of democratic practice is a disgrace to all the democratic countries in the world," Wang said.

 

"In Iraq's case, the US has demanded a push for a democratic system, but it uses a double standard in Taiwan's case, limiting democratic development here. Bush has compromised democracy by hosting the leader of a dictatorship," Wang said.

 

National Policy Advisor Huang Hua, who joined the protest yesterday, said that the US' opposition to changing the cross-strait status quo was not acceptable.

 

"Please define `status quo.' The status quo of every country is changing nowadays, no country stays the same." Huang said.

 

The protest yesterday ended with an AIT official coming out to accept a petition from Wang.

 

In related news, representatives of various foreign-based Taiwanese groups filed a strong protest yesterday against remarks about Taiwan made recently by Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao.

 

Speaking at a news confe-rence, representatives from Tai-wanese academic, women's and medical groups based overseas expressed fierce dissatisfaction with Wen's opposition to Taiwan's plan to hold a "defensive referendum" on March 20 next year, which Wen aired during a meeting Tuesday with Bush at the White House.

 

They accused Beijing's leaders of fueling Chinese nationalism by playing with the Taiwan issue in an attempt to consolidate their power base.

 

Stating that they firmly supported Chen's plan to hold the referendum on the same day as the next presidential election, they said the president had done the right thing by deciding to hold a referendum to secure Taiwan's status quo.

 

"The Taiwanese people are entitled to demonstrate their desire not to be threatened by Chinese missiles," they said, claiming that Taiwanese independence can eventually be achieved as long as the US maintains its stance and does not give way to pressure from Beijing.

 

Despite what is seen by some analysts as a rebuke from Bush, Chen has vowed to go ahead with the referendum as planned.

 

 

Editorial: Election offers old faces, new issues

 

One day after his nomination as the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) presidential candidate, President Chen Shui-bian announced that he had chosen Vice President Annette Lu as his running mate for the 2004 presidential election. Now that the DPP ticket has been confirmed after months of speculation and rumors, all the players in the presidential election are finally in place and the game is under way.

 

One important reason that Lu was chosen, despite doubts in the party and outside it about her ability to draw voters who are not traditional DPP supporters, is the rising popular support for Chen in the opinion polls.

 

Various polls show Chen catching up or even gaining a lead. Even the campaign headquarters of Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) Chairman Lien Chan and his running mate, People First Party Chairman James Soong, have conceded that their support level has declined, narrowing the margin between them and Chen.

 

Under the circumstances, Chen obviously feels much more confident about not relying on his running mate to win brownie points from the voters. While choosing a new partner may bring in new votes, it also comes with risks associated with the unpredictability of a new partnership.

 

Moreover, while Lu may have been a somewhat controversial figure in the past, she has made a tremendous effort in the past year to change her style. Her level of cooperation with and strong sense of loyalty to Chen have convinced the president to keep her as his running mate for the sake of stability and harmony within the party.

 

With the return of most of the old faces from the last election, except for New Party presidential nominee Li Ao and vice presidential nominee Elmer Feng -- whose absence surely pleases most sane people in Taiwan -- the 2004 presidential election is looking more and more like a class reunion.

 

However, things are different in many ways. First, Lien and Soong, who in the last election ran respectively as KMT and independent candidates, have joined forces this time. They hope that by teaming up, they will win all the votes garnered by each in the last election, which would essentially guarantee the pan-blue camp an election win.

 

Unfortunately for the pan-blue camp, things might not work out that way. Many voters will, as they should, examine the performance of Lien and Soong, as well as their parties' performance, over the past four years.

 

In terms of their performance, Lien and Soong do not have much to brag about. For one thing, the KMT's ill-gotten party assets, which were a major issue in the last election, remain an unresolved issue. Moreover, the voters can see for themselves how the pan-blue camp has abused its legislative majority to block the policy initiatives of the Chen government. The pan-blue camp is having a tough time learning to be the opposition.

 

Even more important is the uncertainty people feel about how the government would be run if Lien and Soong were elected. After all, Taiwan has never had a president and vice president who belonged to different parties. With the KMT and PFP having trouble working together in the presidential campaign, it is hard to imagine how things would work out if they were elected.

 

In contrast, Chen and Lu offer comparative stability and predictability -- issues of importance to the moderate voters who will probably decide the election. Moreover, it is not hard to see that the DPP has shown much more progress in learning how to be a ruling party than the KMT and PFP have shown in learning how to be the opposition.

 

Under the circumstances, the only thing that is certain is that the election will be very tight.

 

 

US must stand firm as China rises

 

By Doug Bandow

Saturday, Dec 13, 2003,Page 8

 

Chinese Prime Minister Wen Jiabao visited the US even as Beijing is breathing fiery threats of war against Taiwan. Washington must avoid any conflict. However, the Bush administration explained to China that it respects Taiwan's independent existence and that Chinese aggression would have catastrophic international consequences.

 

Taiwan was seized by Japan from China a century ago. Since 1949 Taiwan has hosted the nationalist government, the Republic of China (ROC), ousted by the communist revolution.

 

As part of its Cold War strategy, Washington shifted recognition from the ROC to the People's Republic of China. Over time Beijing has become an economic superpower active on the international stage; it is now aggressively pressing Taiwan to accept some form of "one nation, two systems" reunification.

 

Early this month the official Chinese press quoted Major-General Peng Guangqian as saying: "Taiwan's leader Chen Shui-bian will be held responsible if a war breaks out across the Strait, and separatists on the island will be treated the same way war criminals are dealt with elsewhere in the world."

 

Of course, war would "break out" only if China invaded Taiwan. Taipei is not outfitting an expeditionary force to attack China.

 

China's current excitement stems from passage in Taiwan of a bill allowing a national referendum, which could raise the issue of independence. Beijing, which remains a communist dictatorship, obviously doesn't like the idea of people voting anywhere, and certainly not in Taiwan on the issue of independence. In advance of his US visit Prime Minister Wen declared that Washington must explicitly oppose Taiwanese independence.

 

There is no reason in principle why Taiwan should not be independent. China may have been victimized when Japan stripped Taiwan from its control, but that was a century ago and the people of Taiwan today have built a separate, and free, society.

 

However, logic does not diminish the importance of Taiwan to Chinese nationalists. It is not just communist apparatchiks who are willing to threaten military force against Taiwan.

 

Involvement in any war across the Taiwan Strait would be disastrous for the US. China is not Iraq; China is a nuclear-armed state aspiring to great power status. Although the US possesses a far superior military to that of Taiwan, a mistake or desperation could turn any conflict into a nuclear confrontation. At the same time, Washington likely would find itself bereft of allies in East Asia: neither Japan nor South Korea would likely choose to become a permanent enemy of Beijing by backing the US over Taiwan.

 

Southeast Asian states such as Singapore and Thailand would be no more enthused about being involved. Even Australia might hesitate to serve as the US' "deputy sheriff" in the region.

 

Moreover, the US has much at stake in a peaceful relationship with China. The economic ties are large and Beijing has the most leverage of any party over North Korea, which Washington seeks to discourage from developing nuclear weapons.

 

Still, the US neither can nor should hand the free people of Taiwan over to Beijing. Avoidance of war does not mean complicity in coercion.

 

First, Washington should insist that Taiwan's future is up to the people of Taiwan. Taipei obviously has an interest in talking with China, but the latter has no automatic claim to the allegiance of the Taiwanese people.

 

Second, it is not the US' place to pronounce its opinion on independence for Taiwan. The US formally recognizes only one China, but Taiwan is governed from Taipei, not Washington.

 

Third, the US will brook no criticism over who it allows to visit the US. China has complained about Chen's October stopover visit in New York, but the US remains a free country open to Taiwanese as well as Chinese.

 

Finally, Washington should indicate that it will continue to sell arms to Taiwan. The surest guarantee of peace in the Taiwan Strait is a well-armed Taiwan with the ability to deter any attack.

 

In fact, Taiwan should understand that the latter offers better security than does a US military commitment. No matter what previous administrations have promised, any US president will -- and, in fact, should -- hesitate before risking Los Angeles to protect Taipei. In a crisis Taiwan might find itself very alone.

 

Although Washington must avoid getting in the middle of any war between China and Taiwan, it must emphasize that any conflict would wreck China's global standing. Nor should the US deny Taiwan the tools to assert or defend itself. Beijing must understand that while Washington is sticking with its "one-China" position, Taiwan's future must be decided in Taipei.

 

Doug Bandow is a senior fellow at the Cato Institute and a former special assistant to former US president Ronald Reagan.

 

 

Chien says US objects to topic of vote

 

REFERENDUM UPROAR: The foreign minister said the US believes a vote on China's missiles would be meaningless and would prefer to see a referendum on a topic of consequence

 

By Melody Chen

STAFF REPORTER

Saturday, Dec 13, 2003,Page 1

 

"The US proposal [on direct links] does not involve the independence or unification problem."

－Liao Pen-yen, TSU caucus whip

 

Minister of Foreign Affairs Eugene Chien said yesterday the US does not oppose Taiwan holding a referendum but has shown concern about the issues to be put to a vote.

 

In his first clear explanation of the US attitude toward the referendum since the meeting between US President George W. Bush and Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao on Tuesday, Chien said the US regards the issues to be put to a referendum as meaningless.

 

The US said voting on the two referendum issues proposed by President Chen Shui-bian -- one demanding China remove its missiles aimed at Taiwan and the other asking China to renounce the use of force -- would hardly change the situation.

 

The US said a referendum that cannot change the situation or China's policy would be meaningless, Chien said.

 

Chien made the remarks in a breakfast meeting with lawmakers from the pro-independence Taiwan Solidarity Union (TSU), who protested to the American Institute in Taiwan over Bush's public rebuke of Chen during his meeting with Wen.

 

National Security Council Deputy Secretary-General Antonio Chiang, who went to the US last week in a last-minute effort to discuss referendum issues ahead of the Bush-Wen meeting, also joined yesterday's meeting.

 

Chiang said that although the US did not disapprove of the referendum asking China to dismantle its missiles targeting Taiwan, it said a more consequential item should be voted on.

 

"Otherwise the US would view the referendum issue as incomplete," Chiang said.

 

The US has said it hoped Taiwan could offer to hold a referendum on direct links between Taiwan and China -- transportation, commerce and postal service -- if China agreed to remove its missiles, according to TSU whip Liao Pen-yen, adding the plan would provide Beijing with an incentive to remove the missile threat.

 

Liao said the US request would make Taiwan's referendum more meaningful.

 

"The US proposal [on direct links] does not involve the independence or unification problem," Liao said.

 

Commenting on the development of relations between China, Taiwan and the US after the Bush-Wen meeting, Chien insisted that "Taiwan-US ties remain unaffected."

 

China-US relations, Chien said, have moved out of the past ambiguity and proceeded to clarity. The two countries have turned from strategic competitors to strategic partners, he said.

 

Facing worries about the future of Taiwan-US relations, Chiang said the government is "contemplating the last step and making the best preparations."

 

Addressing TSU lawmakers' concerns about whether China would use force against Taiwan if a referendum is held, Chiang said things so far appeared "safe enough."

 

Both Chien and Chiang said the US, in order to maintain cross-strait stability, would not alter its policy, adding that it does not wish to see any unilateral moves by Taiwan or China to change the status quo.

 

 

Turbulent times recalled

 

The mild-mannered couple who helped political activist Peng Ming-min flee Taiwan returned to Taiwan last week for the first time since they were deported in 1971

 

By Gavin Phipps

STAFF REPORTER

Saturday, Dec 13, 2003,Page 16

 

"I was well know and I don't think they realy knew what to do with me....Eight years was a light sentence. Looking back at it today I was pretty fortunate. I sould have been shot."

－Peng Ming-min

 

When Milo Thornberry and Judith Thomas arrived in Taiwan on Dec. 30, 1965, the unassuming couple had no idea that they would be caught up in a series of events that read like a plot for a Len Deighton novel.

 

Initially posted to Taiwan by the United Methodist Church to take up an appointment as chaplain at Taipei's Soochow University, Thornberry later went to the Presbyterian Church of Formosa and was appointed associate professor of church history at Taiwan Theological College.

 

In preparation for their trip the pair spent a year reading all the English-language literature they could find about the history and people of Taiwan.

 

But within a year of their arrival the couple was introduced to one-time political prisoner Peng Ming-min and began to hear stories and see a side of Taiwan their preliminary studies in the US had never prepared them for. They soon learned just how repressive the Chinese Nationalist Party really was.

 

Peng was arrested in late 1964 while preparing the Declaration of Formosa -- a document in which he called for a new constitution and independence for Taiwan. Charged with sedition, he was sentenced to eight years imprisonment.

 

"I was well known and I don't think they really knew what to do with me," Peng, now adviser to President Chen Shui-bian admitted. "Eight years was a light sentence. Looking back at it today I was pretty fortunate. I should have been shot."

 

Pardoned after 14 months, Peng was placed under house arrest by the Taiwan Garrison Command. By the time the Thornberrys were first introduced to him Peng had mastered the art of slipping in and out of his house after midnight without alerting his jailers.

 

By the fall of 1968 the couple had built up a strong relationship with other members of Taiwan's underground movement. This regular exposure to a side of Taiwan few foreigners were aware of gave the couple the incentive they needed.

 

During the day the pair assumed the personas of a typical mild-

 

mannered expat US couple. In their off time, though, the pair continued clandestinely to meet with Peng and other Free Formosa activists such as Hsieh Tsung-min -- now national policy adviser to the president -- writer, Li Ao and the late Wei Ting-chao, pioneer of the DPP.

 

With the help of a group of people known as "Institutional Guerrillas," who were US government employees disenchanted with US policy, the couple was able to obtain a mimeograph from a US military part-exchange store. Instead of simply meeting with dissidents, the Thornberrys were soon able to print and circulate anonymously penned papers about political repression in Taiwan to scholastic and journalistic circles within the US.

 

Through these papers word spread of the Thornberrys' relationship with leading activists and their house became a hot-bed of information, where visitors could learn about "the other Taiwan."

 

"It was a reality that most Americans didn't know anything about so we arranged for people who really wanted to understand Taiwan to meet with Peng and other activists and hear their stories," Thornberry said. "We set meetings with visiting church and government dignitaries as well as journalists. We even came close to setting up a meeting with [Edward] Kennedy, who was a young senator at the time."

 

In late 1969, Peng told the Thornberrys of a series of interviews that he'd had with the security forces and said that threats had been made to end his life.

 

"We'd heard the reports and were very worried. It was an incident shortly after this that tipped the balance and made us realize that he had to leave," Thornberry said. "There were between 35 to 40 `gray suits' just waiting near our house. We thought it was all over and that they'd discovered that Peng had been clandestinely meeting people. Peng insisted on leaving, but we didn't think he'd get out."

 

Wrapped in a winter coat and hat Peng slipped past the security forces and arrived home without incident. Though it later transpired that the gray suits were not looking for Peng that night, the Thornberrys had already decided enough was enough and that they needed to formulate a plan of escape.

 

"We were total rank amateurs and didn't have a clue how to get someone out of the country. I'd heard of fishing boats, but that would mean depending on people for monetary purposes. Such people could easily betray you," said Thomas. "We finally got the idea from a weekly news magazine after reading an article about eastern European dissidents escaping as tourists."

 

After six months of preparation the Thornberrys had formulated an audacious plan in which Peng would disguise himself and leave Taiwan right under the noses of his jailers on a scheduled flight from Taipei's Songshan Airport, which then served as Taiwan's international airport.

 

A Japanese passport was obtained via a friend of Peng's who come to Taiwan as a tourist, Peng's photograph replaced the original and in June 1970 he was ready to leave.

 

"We had a date and a ticket for a flight, but we wanted to know what the situation at the airport was like. So a couple of friends went the week before to scout it out," Thornberry said. "It was the last flight on a Saturday night and the airport was empty. When they came back to report what they'd seen the whole idea seemed crazy."

 

However crazy the Thornberrys believed the plan was, Peng was happy with it. Keeping his departure a secret, even from his immediate family, the independence activist spent the 24 hours prior to his departure at the Thornberrys' residence.

 

When the time came, Peng went to the airport and under the watchful eye of two more of the Thornberrys' friends he passed through immigration with his forged Japanese passport.

 

Disguised and ready to leave for the airport, this is the last photo of Peng before he was forced to leave Taiwan.