Tibet’s problems on Aug 16, 2004

Under Beijing's shadow, Tibet holds festival

NOT QUITE FREEDOM: Yesterday's celebration of the Shoton Festival demonstrates China's relaxation on religious freedom, but Beijing remains firmly in control

REUTERS , LHASA, CHINA
 

Unfurling a giant cloth painting of the Buddha over a mountainside beside the great Drepung monastery, monks gave Tibetan pilgrims an annual glimpse yesterday of one of Tibet's great ceremonies.

Chanting mantras and spinning prayer wheels, pilgrims gazed up in awe.

Few of the 150,000 pilgrims gathered for the annual Shoton, or Yoghurt Festival, questioned whether the ritual represents real religious freedom for the deeply Buddhist region of communist China or is as transient as the incense smoke burning from their offerings.

China's destruction of religion during the 1966-76 Cultural Revolution when most Tibetan monasteries were dynamited to the ground has been replaced by a tentative relaxation that tightens swiftly at a first sign of anti-Chinese sentiment in the restive Himalayan region.

The Communist Party says it made a mistake by persecuting monks and nuns in the Cultural Revolution, and that officials no longer interfere in religious life.

Tension simmers between the Tibetans' profound faith in a mystical form of Buddhism and the Chinese vision of Tibetan culture and religion, colorful but firmly under Party control.

In a display of devotion, tens of thousands of pilgrims gathered by dawn to watch the unfurling of the cloth picture of the Buddha, or thangka, many clinging to rocks to gain a vantage point, others squatting on the hillside in the hope the sacred cloth would be unfurled over their bodies.

Families of three generations made up the crowd of faithful, although some Tibetans complained that the young were losing their faith.

"I think young people have more freedom today than they used to have, but they are definitely not as devout as before," said Padma Tsering, a 23-year-old Lhasa office worker. "Being part of this ethnic minority, i think it's too bad.

"I'm a Buddhist myself because I believe Buddhism has great significance, not only reaching this place but in the whole world."

This 200m2 thangka, an embroidery by monks of Drepung monastery using gold silk thread on a cotton background, may be only seven years old but it takes center stage in a ceremony dating back hundreds of years. More than 100 monks from the monastery -- once the largest in the world with a population of 10,000 -- carried out the rolled up thangka and set it down at the foot of a nearby hill.

The crowd roared with joy as monks at the top of the hill pulled the thangka open with ropes to display an image of the Sakyamuni Buddha, or Buddha of the Present. They tossed hundreds of white silk scarfs onto the picture.

Pilgrims chanting mantras and spinning prayer wheels circumambulated the thangka, almost hidden by columns of choking smoke that swirled into the air from piles of fragrant juniper branches burnt as offerings.

Japanese politician with roots in Taiwan latest media darling

CROSSING BOUNDARIES: A former reporter who has become a member of the Japanese Diet's House of Councilors is at the center of a deluge of coverage

By Joy Su
STAFF REPORTER

Recent events seem to suggest that the line between entertainment and politics is easy to cross. In the US, Hollywood action hero Arnold Schwarzenegger took the California governorship. In Taiwan, former actress May Chin now serves as a legislator, while television star and singer Jacky Wu is expected to run for office. And in Japan, newly-elected Councilor Ren Hou is the celebrity-turned-politician of the moment.

However, in Taiwan, Ren Hou's claim to fame is not her status as 1988's "Clarion Girl," an award generally seen as a springboard to other opportunities in the entertainment industry.

Nor is she known for her work as an information broadcast personality. In Taiwan, Ren Hou is known as the first ethnic Taiwanese to be elected to Japan's upper legislative house, the House of Councilors.

Ren Hou was born to a Taiwanese father and Japanese mother, and is a naturalized Japanese citizen, but she has been called Taiwan's native daughter nevertheless. She is known as Lien Fang to most people in Taiwan, a shortened version of her Mandarin Chinese name Hsieh Lien-fang.

In Japan's legislative elections last month, the 36-year-old Ren Hou, a member of Japan's primary opposition party, the Democratic Party of Japan, took away the third highest number of votes in the hotly contested Tokyo district, beating out eight other candidates.

It is an indication of Ren Hou's status in Taiwan that she was ushered to sit next to Vice President Annette Lu when she arrived yesterday at the Democratic Pacific Assembly. Lu had earlier expressed her anticipation to meet with Ren Hou.

Having worked as a reporter four years ago, Ren Hou traveled to Taiwan previously to cover President Chen Shui-bian on the campaign trail leading up to the previous presidential elections and expressed yesterday her respect for Chen. Ren Hou will be seeing Chen again this year, but in a different capacity. Ren Hou is scheduled to meet the president today as a guest.

Asked what she plans to speak with the president about during the meeting, she responded that they would most likely touch upon issues of diplomacy and possibilities for future interaction between Taiwan and Japan.

"Japanese diplomacy is strange; it holds that Taiwan is not a country. However, my father is a native of Taiwan. Why isn't Taiwan a country?" Ren Hou said.

"Her father was born here and she is Japanese now. However, she feels that Taiwan is a complete country. What she said was very clear, even though she sometimes has an accent," National Policy Advisor Fan Jen-fei said.

"Japan is too polite when dealing with China, taking a low profile. My father is Taiwanese and my mother Japanese, and I hope to play a role on behalf of Taiwan. The vice president [Lu] called on Japanese support. Japan will be the first to support Taiwan," Ren Hou said, while addressing the Democratic Pacific Assembly yesterday.

Ren Hou also told reporters yesterday that she brought her children, fraternal twins, with her to Taiwan, and she plans to show them her father's home in Changhua.

With crowds of reporters and government officials fighting to speak with Ren Hou yesterday as she got up from her seat next to the vice president, Ren Hou confessed that she was a bit nervous being back in Taiwan.

"Because I am now a councilor in Japan's Diet now, my status is a bit different. Thus, I am a bit nervous," Ren Hou confessed.

Onus is on Beijing to prevent war in the Strait

By Andrew Wei-chih Yang

Since President Chen Shui-bian's re-election in March, the escalation of Beijing's rhetoric has reached worrying proportions. Its perilous assessment of the "Taiwan problem" is unlikely to change in the coming months: US-Taiwan relations continue to recover, and a pro-independence majority in the Taiwan legislature in December appears likely given a struggling opposition.

Nonetheless, as Beijing's leaders mull over their Taiwan policy, it needs to be kept in mind that there are powerful factors which are fundamentally opposed to Taiwan's independence. China's confidence in the US and the pan-blue camp to act as checks on Taiwan's independence movement has clearly waned. US support for Taiwan's defenses and its WHO drive has seriously shaken Beijing's trust in the US' sincerity in restraining independence forces. But graver still is the pan-blue camp's disarray. Its intense internal divisions, shaky leadership and inability to coordinate electoral strategies makes a pan-green majority in the Dec. 11 legislative election increasingly likely.

Even with pan-green legislature, three powerful obstacles still stand in the way of Taiwan's independence. First, the US has made clear its limited support for Taiwan's constitutional reform drive. Assistant Secretary of State James Kelly was quoted as saying, should Taiwan's democratization efforts harm US and Taiwan's security interests, "we will say so clearly and bluntly." Washington has chosen a more direct approach with regard to its foreign policy but has been much more cautious with the signals it sends to Taipei. No matter how many weapons the US sells to Taiwan, it will not sacrifice peace and stability for the nation's democratic yearnings for independence.

The second factor is that constitutional reform is likely to be heavily contested. Chen's top aides have reiterated his vow to follow existing procedures which require amendments to receive three-quarters of the vote in both the Legislative Yuan and the National Assembly. Such a lop-sided majority for the pan-green camp is virtually impossible. The blue camp is divided, not broken, and will remain a major player in constitutional revisions even without control of the legislature.

The third factor involves the absence of a consensus in Taiwan in terms of sovereignty. Only a small minority of the population is passionate about independence. By Chen's own admission, there is no consensus on Taiwan's official status as the country remains deeply divided after the March election. A recent poll by Taiwan Business Weekly indicated that the Taiwan's people understand the risks of independence and the drafting of a new constitution, as well as the very real prospect of a cross-strait war. They are also not especially interested in martyrdom. With at best divided support for independence at home, any sovereignty related reforms are unlikely to pass.

Fortunately, the Chen administration appears to understand these impediments and has shown no sign of sidestepping them. Chen's pro-independence Cabinet has toed the moderate line he set down in his inaugural speech, and the nation's stability has become a central component of public policy. Dismissive claims that China is a mere "paper tiger" originate from the "deep-greens" such as former President Lee Tung-hui, not Chen's government. The DPP has instead distanced itself from this faction and promised not to pursue a new constitution or change the title of the Republic of China.

Whether cross-strait relations devolve into a confrontational spiral will depend on cooler strategic heads in Beijing.

Andrew Wei-chih Yang is a research assistant at the China Studies department of the Center for Strategic and International Studies in Washington.

Stronger US-Taiwan ties needed

By Holmes Liao

 
Taiwan, the US and China all held military exercises in June. This did not just affect the geopolitical situation throughout the west Pacific region. As the Taiwan Strait is one of three international hot spots in the Asia-Pacific region, this series of military exercises has also been given an uncommon amount of attention by international observers.

The reasons behind the military exercises are mainly the intensifying stand-off between Taiwan and China, and competition between the US and China for dominance in the Asia-Pacific region. This will continue once they end their cooperation in the war on terror.

If we want to understand the effect of these developments, we must approach the issue from a military perspective and base our analysis on international power politics and global strategic structures in order to clarify what attitudes and threats the nation will face in this great competition. We must also call on the people of Taiwan to take seriously international realities and crises that may have a negative impact on the nation.

Firstly, looking at the military exercise just completed in Taiwan, I must affirm the excellent training and warfare techniques displayed by the military in this, the 20th, Hankuang exercise. Although criticism of the exercise makes sense (including doubts about the ease with which temporary wartime landing fields can be destroyed and technical aspects regarding refueling bomb-carrying aircraft), the flaws can hide neither its splendor, nor the army's hard work and the destructive power of the Mirage fighters. It should be noted that after the transition of power in Taiwan in 2000 and the announcement of the goal of keeping a decisive war off the island announced by President Chen Shui-bian and the defense ministry, the military has been moving toward realizing this concept. It should achieve it in the next military upgrade. Some inkling of it could be seen during the Mirage exercises.

Secondly, let's look at China's military exercise. In contrast to earlier exercises on Dongshan Island, China's People's Liberation Army (PLA) is clearly beginning to focus on air superiority. The recent exercise used almost every advanced weapon conceivable, including Su-27 fighter planes, FBC-1 mid-range bombers, WZ-9 attack helicopters, Sovremenny-class destroyers, Kilo-class submarines and East Wind-15 tactical ballistic missiles. The Sukhoi 27 fighter planes will also carry KN59M air-to-surface missiles to protect tanks during a landing operation. Taken together, it all points to a new concept of joint warfare against Taiwan, with the army, navy, air force and second artillery corps taking part in exercises to improve the PLA's overall war capabilities. Taiwan's military must not underestimate these trends.

In addition, compared to Taiwan's military exercises, which mainly focus on arms that still have to be delivered, the PLA is more pragmatic. Not only do they base their exercises on arms they already have, they are also better at simulating actual war situations.

This year is an election year in the US. China's display of its military force is unmistakably aimed at the US, and it is also an attempt to affect the direction of US politics. As we all know, Washington has always had its China-friendly "red" team. These people will of course take action in an election year. They are certain to unite anti-Taiwanese forces in the Democratic Party to take control of China policy if the Democratic party wins. Their success would be quite detrimental to Taiwan's situation, and our government should give further thought on how to handle such a situation.

It should be noted that, up to this point at least, the US still sees China as the potential enemy in its military exercises in the Asia-Pacific region. Following an end to the war in Iraq, US control over the Middle East will no longer be a military matter, and will instead become a political matter. The US is therefore certain to shift the focus of its attention to the Asia-Pacific region, in particular the situation in the Taiwan Strait and in North Korea.

As a result of the recent presidential election in Taiwan, however, Taiwan consciousness, as represented by Chen's government, has now gained the support of a majority of Taiwanese. Taiwan's growing nationalism and the initiation of a referendum will have an impact on international politics in the Asia-Pacific region over the coming 10 years.

While the US military exercises were routine, following the statement by China's former leader Jiang Zemin early last month that China would launch a military attack on Taiwan within the next 20 years, the US immediately launched a crisis simulation exercise codenamed Dragon's Thunder. Furthermore, during the Summer Pulse exercise, the US dispatched seven aircraft carriers from the Persian Gulf, the Indian Ocean, the South China Sea and the West Pacific to form a blockade along China's coast. The intent to deter China is self-evident.

I can of course not put blind hope in US promises concerning Taiwan's security, but regardless of whether we take a geopolitical or a democratic approach, Taiwan is one of the US' most important allies in the Asia-Pacific region.

Given the gradual rise of China, making it today's dominant regional power, the Taiwan-US relationship should be strengthened in response to possible future changes in the Southeast Asian region, and to jointly protect and maintain not only the interests of Taiwan and the US, but peace and security in the region.

Holmes Liao is an adviser to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.

Ugly Chinese nationalism exposed

By Chen Ching-chih

 
China's national soccer team lost by a score of 3 to 1 to the Japanese team in the Asian Cup final in Beijing on Aug. 7. For the increasing number of ultra-nationalistic Chinese, losing the championship at home to the hated Japanese was simply unbearable.

During the game, Chinese fans shouted -- among other insulting chants -- "Kill! Kill! Kill!" After the game, they burned Japanese flags, pelted the Japanese team bus with bottles, and pounded a limousine carrying a Japanese embassy official.

The bitter collective memory of Japan's invasion of China and the brutality of its soldiers during the war certainly has contributed to a prolonged anti-Japanese sentiment over the years. The unwillingness of the Japanese government to "sincerely apologize" for the wrong the Japanese did to China has not helped either.

For its own political purposes, Beijing has also helped to encourage anti-foreign sentiment in recent years. Now that China is rising as a major military and economic power, the nationalistic Chinese appear to feel justified in expressing a high level of pride and emotion. They have come to denigrate their major Asian rival as "little Japan."

Chinese ultra-nationalists show no sign of ending their anti-foreign sentiment. In addition to venting their anger against Team Japan, the Chinese fans showed their lack of sportsmanship by jeering other teams that Team China faced throughout the Asian Cup tournament. If not managed properly, the situation will get worse when time comes for the 2008 summer Olympics to open in Beijing.

For China, the stakes will be high indeed. The Chinese government will without doubt continue to prepare Chinese athletes to win as many medals as possible. According to a newspaper report, there are about 4,000 state-sponsored sports schools training young Chinese to compete for the 2008 games and 17,000 are currently in this Chinese elite athlete training system. Beijing is clearly determined to make China a sports superpower rivaling the US and Russia.

The Chinese sports fans' expectations for medals will be sky-high. It is therefore not difficult to predict how the nationalistic Chinese will behave in Beijing in the summer of 2008 when their athletes come up against those of other countries, particularly those that the Chinese believe have wronged their country in the past.

They do not forget their so-called "century of humiliation," when China suffered at the hands of the intruding foreign powers from the mid-19th to the mid-20th centuries.

Molded by their government's nationalist education and propaganda, the Chinese firmly believe that Russia stole much of Siberia from Manchu China in the late 17th and early 18th centuries, that England cheated Manchu China economically and wrested Hong Kong from it after defeating the declining Manchu dynasty in the "Opium War" of late 1830s, and that France joined England in attacking North China in late 1850s.

Japan forced the Manchu dynasty to cede Taiwan after dealing Manchu China a humiliating military defeat in 1895 and that the US joined seven other countries, including those named above as well as Germany, Italy and Austria-Hungary in invading Beijing in 1900 during the so-called "Boxer Rebellion."

To the ultra-nationalistic Chinese who blame their country's ills and weaknesses on others, the list of offending nations is long. And the time will come for China to get even with each and every culprit. However, the US will doubtlessly be the biggest target of irrational Chinese sports fans' ire in the 2008 Olympic Summer Game in Beijing -- for its role in the Korean War, its failure to recognize China until 1979, its arms sales to Taiwan and alleged support for Taiwan's "creeping independence" and its continuing efforts to "contain" China.

After the Asian Cup final, many international authorities, sports and otherwise, have expressed concern that the ugly and immature behavior that the fanatical Chinese exhibited against the Japanese will be repeated if Beijing does not strive to educate their people on the importance of sportsmanship.

Let's hope that the Beijing authorities have learned from the Asian Cup experience and will be prepared to uphold the spirit of the Olympics, and to provide safety to all international athletes and foreign visitors when the 2008 Olympic games begin. The stakes involve more than just the number of medals won -- China's reputation as a member of the civilized international community will also be on the line.

Chen Ching-chih is professor emeritus of history at Southern Illinois University at Edwardsville and a research fellow at the Los Angeles-based Institute for Taiwanese Studies.