Chen offers to address legislature

APPEAL: With the US arms procurement bill still stuck in committee, Chen said he would try to break the logjam by making a direct address to lawmakers

BY CHIU YU-TZU

STAFF REPORTERS

"Investing in national defense is investing in long-term peace."－ President Chen Shui-bian

President Chen Shui-bian yesterday offered to deliver a special report to the Legislative Yuan to seek support for his administration's arms-procurement package, which has been blocked for months by the pan-blue opposition.

"Investing in national defense is investing in long-term peace," Chen said in a speech at National Taiwan University. "I'd like to explain more about the arms-procurement bill ... to the Legislative Yuan and, if possible, to Chinese Nationalist Party [KMT] Chairman Ma Ying-jeou."

"We don't intend to enter an arms race with China," Chen said. "However, improving our weapons and facilities should be an ongoing process. The three bills regarding arms procurement were drafted before I took office in 2000. Political parties have to be persistent."

A presidential address to the legislature would be unprecedented. The president is the head of the state who appoints a premier, who ordinarily delivers government policies to the legislature.

In response, Legislative Speaker Wang Jin-pyng was cool on the idea, saying that it was the legislature's right to decide whether the president should be invited to address the body.

Moreover, Wang said, it would not be appropriate for the president to give a report on a single issue, such as the arms procurement plan, since the president does not answer to the lawmaking body.

The legislature could, however, invite Chen to deliver a broader "state of the nation" address if it wanted to, Wang said.

But even if all lawmakers agreed to extend such an invitation, Wang said that the president would have to deliver the report when the legislature meets in the first half of the year, in accordance with the Constitution.

Article Four of the Additional Articles of the Constitution states: "When the Legislative Yuan convenes each year, it may hear a report on the state of the nation by the president."

Wang, however, said that he will respect the joint decision made by all caucuses if they agree to hear the president's briefing during the second half of the year.

Wang promised to call a cross-party meeting to discuss the matter if any caucus files a request.

If approved, Wang said that the legislature would arrange for the president to deliver the report at a plenary legislative session, rather than a national affairs forum, to show the utmost respect for the head of state.

The forum is held to let lawmakers voice their opinions on issues and air their grievances.

Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) caucus whip William Lai yesterday said his caucus will file a request today to invite the president to brief the legislature, and that he hopes that opposition parties will support their proposition.

Responding to the KMT caucus' request that the president take questions from lawmakers in addition to delivering the report, Lai said such a request was unconstitutional.

"If they wish to question the president on the legislative floor, I'm calling on the KMT to amend the Constitution and change the government system to the presidential system," he said.

A previous attempt by Chen to address the legislature broke down over Chen's refusal to take questions from lawmakers after his speech.

People First Party (PFP) caucus whip Hwang Yih-jiau said it is not necessary for the president to brief the legislature on the arms-procurement plan because he believes that the president's professional knowledge of the issue is not superior to that of Minister of National Defense Lee Jye.

Hwang said his caucus will not support the DPP's proposal to invite the president to deliver a report.

Beijing creates an enemy in Japan

By Paul Lin

The first sentence of the first text in the first volume of the Selected Works of Mao Zedong reads: "Who are our enemies? Who are our friends? This is a question of the first importance for the revolution." This is also the essence of Mao Zedong thought, and over the 80-year history of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), it has focused at different times on different domestic and international "class enemies" in an attempt to include them in its revolution.

China's recent diplomatic and military activities imply that Japan is its current enemy. This is easily seen from the military exercise initiated by the People's Liberation Army (PLA) in the Inner Mongolia autonomous region on Sept. 27. Although China invited military observers from 24 different countries, as well as their military attaches stationed in Beijing, it excluded its close neighbors Japan, South Korea and Mongolia.

The invitations to the included countries were said to be a show of military openness and significant to improving mutual understanding and trust, and to deepening friendship and cooperation. Turning that around, even if the exercise were not directly targeted at the three uninvited countries, Beijing at least seems to hold a grudge against them and does not trust them.

The reason South Korea was not invited was in part because the two countries became enemies when China helped North Korea against the Americans during the Korean War, but also because China didn't want to upset North Korea, which had been invited.

For the time being, Beijing does not treat South Korea as an enemy because it wants to "use barbarians to control barbarians" by setting up an anti-Japanese frontline together with South Korea.

But if the two Koreas were to come to blows, Beijing would show no hesitation in treating the South as the enemy.

Mongolia was left out because the exercise took place in Inner Mongolia. This implied an attempt to prevent the independence of Inner Mongolia, which Mongolia would support, and so it was not appropriate to divulge military secrets to them.

The exclusion of Japan is a highly sensitive issue. The current tension in the Sino-Japanese relationship means that Japan feels that China is becoming a threat, in particular a military threat. If China saw Japan as a friendly nation, or at least wanted to improve relations, it would have invited Japan to show that it feels that there is a need for mutual trust and to eliminate Japanese talk of a Chinese threat.

The fact that Beijing did not want to do this is a clear expression of animosity toward Japan, and possibly even a deliberate provocation.

While there has not been any obvious point of friction between China and South Korea or Mongolia lately, there have been lots of problems in the relationship between China and Japan.

First, in April a series of government-supported anti-Japanese demonstrations took place in China. This is not normal in China, where demonstrations and public gatherings are ordinarily prohibited. Although the authorities later suppressed them, it did so not to distance itself from the anti-Japanese character of the demonstrations, but rather because it was afraid they would get out of control.

Second, the night before Chinese Vice Premier Wu Yi was to meet with Japanese Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi in Japan in late May, Wu canceled the meeting and returned home without informing the Japanese. This was provocative behavior.

Third, South Korea and Japan were the countries nearest to the joint Sino-Russian military exercise in August -- apart from North Korea, which is an ally of China -- and therefore felt a military threat.

On the eve of a vote in Japan's Lower House last month, five Chinese navy ships patrolled a disputed area with supposed oil and gas fields in the East China Sea. China then declared that it had set up a preventative group of navy ships to strengthen its overall naval military capabilities. Once again, this was clearly targeted at Japan.

These incidents show that China clearly sees Japan as its main enemy, together with the US, but it cannot afford to upset the Americans. Beijing must also be aware that this increases regional tensions.

But its actions are clearly threatening to Japan, and will only serve to strengthen security cooperation between Washington and Tokyo, as well as Japan's inclination to be concerned about Taiwan's defense.

If these actions, which are not in line with Beijing's "peaceful rising," are a sign that the CCP's top military leaders have been overwhelmed by militarist thinking, do they suggest that Chinese President Hu Jintao is now under the control of PLA hawks?

I wonder if Beijing has thought through what may happen in its western regions while it is concentrating on the East.

Paul Lin is a commentator based in New York.

China stepping up Asian influence

By Chen Hurng-yu

With the recent growth in its economy, China has become increasingly involved in Southeast Asian military affairs, establishing military links with Thailand, the Philippines, Indonesia, Singapore, Myanmar, Cambodia and Malaysia.

This extends not only to military aid and loans, bilateral talks on military issues, joint production of military equipment and joint training exercises, but also includes participation in regional security forums and the signing of defensive memorandums of understanding (MOU).

On Sept. 2, China signed an MOU on bilateral defense cooperation with Malaysia. This is the first agreement of its kind that China has signed with a country in this region, and covers military training, exchange of intelligence and strengthening military dialogue.

In mid-August, China and Russia engaged in joint amphibious military exercises on the Shandong Peninsula and in Russia's far eastern territories. With such an active expansion of its military presence in both Southeast and Northeast Asia, we cannot afford to ignore China's influence.

Under the terms of the MOU on bilateral defense cooperation, a Sino-Malay Joint Committee will be established through which constant dialogue can take place to enhance bilateral defensive capabilities.

The MOU also provides for military training, exchange of personnel and visits, exchange of information and improved communication to achieve a better mutual understanding of each other's views on regional security.

But the MOU does not touch on the security of the Strait of Malacca, nor on the sensitive issue of the Spratly Islands.

The reason that China has been able to break out of US attempts at containment and sign such an MOU with Malaysia is largely because Malaysia has revised its attitude toward China.

It no longer views China as a threat to the security of Southeast Asia.

Malaysian Deputy Prime Minister Najib Razak said that Malaysia now sees China as an important emerging economy and a major military power that will necessarily play an important role in regional security.

This year, China celebrated the 600th anniversary of Zheng He's voyages to the South Seas.

To enhance the celebration of this nautical achievement, preparations began last year, with China taking the initiative to involve Malaysia in organizing a series of joint activities -- including conferences -- through which it will be able to express the importance it places on the security of the Strait of Malacca.

It was 600 years ago that China made incursions into this area under the pretext of protecting the sea lanes of the Strait of Malacca from what was then Siam.

Using its influence with ethnic Chinese Palembang on Sumatra, it was able to enforce a protectorate status on the area, receiving tribute from nearby kingdoms to support its imperial economy.

Six hundred years later, China is aiming to reassert its influence in the Strait of Malacca.

It has shown its concern, even announcing that if there is any incident in the Strait of Malacca that is detrimental to Chinese interests, it would engage in discussions with the sovereign nation to work out a resolution.

In the event of a serious situation occurring, on the premise that the UN and the sovereign nation request it, China is now prepared to extend humanitarian aid.

Last month, China sent a delegation -- the first ever -- to participate in a two-day meeting in Jakarta dealing with security in the Malacca and Singapore straits entitled "Enhancing Safety, Security and Environment Protection."

The Chinese representative reiterated that based on the requests of coastal nations in the region, China would mobilize resources to assist them in improving their capabilities, the exchange of technology services and personnel training.

From this, the intentions of the Chinese to become involved in the region of the Malacca Strait are perfectly obvious.

China is clearly using the 600th anniversary of Zheng He's trip as an excuse for expanding military activity into Southeast Asia.

But while the point of entry remains the same, the goals are different.

In the past it was to secure access to Western goods, but in the present, it is to secure access to oil to fuel its continued economic development.

In the wake of Myanmar's subordination to Chinese pressure, Malaysia too has become a frontline position for the Chinese military. Will this lead to a domino effect?

Clearly the nature of China's relationship with ASEAN is changing from being purely commercial to being military as well. Southeast Asian nations should be wary of this.

Currently, the attention of the US and Japan is focused on the Korean Peninsula, but if Southeast Asia is neglected, this could lead to trouble.

Chen Hurng-yu is a professor of political history at National Cheng Chi University.