Lee lashed out at the "anti-democratic" philosophy of the pan-blue camp, which had "reignited ethnic tensions" and impeded the development of a national identity for Taiwan in recent times.

"The anti-democratic forces with their ideological wrappings inside Taiwan and the authoritarian Chinese have quickly become good friends. With the support of the Chinese, their anti-democratic actions have become unrestrained and unhampered," Lee said.

"The interplay of these internal and external factors has led to complexity and confusion in Taiwan's national identity," the former president said, adding that this was the "most significant threat to Taiwan's democracy."

He accused the pan-blue camp of "bringing Qing soldiers through the gate" in "cooperating with the communists to control Taiwan."

Lee will return to Taiwan on Oct. 24.

Lee's voice is better than none

The sight of wily former president Lee Teng-hui darting around Washington and Philadelphia firing up the expatriate faithful, networking with top members of the US Congress and admiring the crown jewels of American democracy -- the Constitution, the Declaration of Independence and assorted memorials -- is oddly moving. It is an affirmation that Taiwan cannot afford to do anything less than defy Orientalists who claim that "Asians" are less suited to democracy. It is also a bleak reminder of the state of things at home.

Lee has enemies in Taiwan, no more embittered than the ossified inner sanctum of the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT), whose members hate Lee not just for purging the party of its most militant and despotic elements -- and exposing unificationists to general ridicule -- but also for the fact that, like the rest of the inner sanctum, he got rich along the way.

These enemies will be rather irritated that Lee's visit elicited powerful statements of support from both Democratic and Republican members of Congress, notably Republican Representative Dana Rohrabacher, whose words should provide no small comfort to demoralized supporters of democracy in Taiwan.

Why the irritation over such support? Because at a philosophical level Lee's opponents hold the US and its ideals in high and barely disguised contempt, despite the formidable number of them that sucked on the teat of the American education system and whose very survival in this place has been paid for over the decades by the US military. To this day, deep inside the heart of the unificationist ideologue, there lives derision toward the barbaric West and a longing for the time when the center of a true civilization -- Beijing, presumably -- can return to its rightful place as the capital of not the Middle Kingdom, as it is usually mistranslated, but the Central Kingdom.

More pressing, however, is the fact that such words of support from members of Congress endanger the pan-blue program of appeasement and ingratiation with that part of the Chinese Communist Party charged with neutralizing "separatists" in Taiwan.

Lee is all too aware of these facts, stained as he is by historical connections to both the communists and the KMT. That he can still serve as the only substantial representative of this country's democratic aspirations in the US -- even more than the nation's own president, sad to say -- is a sign of desperation that should be well noted. The fact that Lee, in his 80s, has been forced to emulate the gerontocratic flailing of communist regimes past and present is to be regretted. How much better it would have been if, as with the postwar Winston Churchill, Lee were now irrelevant and could be put out to pasture.

The fact that this man still insists on involvement in international politics reflects not just a sense of unfinished business on his part, but also a sense that the Democratic Progressive Party has dropped the ball so badly in communicating with the electorate on national identity and cross-strait security that something -- anything -- has to be done. If that means traveling to Washington and effectively pleading with two of the most powerful lawmakers in the land for a stronger commitment to Taiwan's security, then so be it.

May the members of Congress who met Lee have the courage of their convictions to stand by their friends -- the great majority of Taiwanese -- at a time of vulnerability to the ruinous agenda of pro-China legislators.

Beware, the provinces are restless

By Paul Lin

Hot air and empty words permeated the recently concluded Fifth Plenary Session of the 16th Central Committee of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP).

This suggests that the growing conflict within the Chinese leadership would reduce the central government's ability to come to grips with increasingly powerful local governments and military factions. To drill deeper into such an issue, we have to take heed of a number of signs.

Following the Cultural Revolution, the CCP's Central Committee meetings were held once every five years. There has always been significant personnel shifts at each of the fifth plenary sessions -- the incumbent president would arrange for his henchmen to take up important posts during his five-year tenure. Prior to the recently concluded fifth plenum, it was rumored that Chen Liangyu, the Communist Party chief in Shanghai who has close ties to former Chinese president Jiang Zemin, would be transferred and replaced by Liu Yandong, a protege of Chinese President Hu Jintao.

In addition, many believed that outgoing Liaoning Province party chief Li Keqiang would also take up a new post. However, the communique issued at the close of the Fifth Plenary Session did not indicate any personnel changes. This suggests that Hu may have suffered some setbacks during the meeting.

Second, the main objective of the Fifth Plenary Session is to map out China's 11th Five Year Plan. However, the communique only deals with the nation's GDP goals, and does not outline any specific measures to achieve these goals.

Although the latest Five Year Plan covers a wide range of issues, such as macroeconomic controls, China's energy crisis, corruption, the disparity between rich and poor, disadvantaged groups, the development of backward regions, scientific development and counterfeit products, the measures employed to tackle these issues all appear incomplete, banal or pointless.

Third, since Hu and Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao came to power, they have been keeping an eye on the establishment of the Tianjin Economic and Technological Development Area. This effort is directed at competing with the Pearl River Delta Economic Zone, initiated by former party elders Deng Xiaoping and Zhao Ziyang, and the Yangzi River Delta Economic Zone, inaugurated by Jiang and former premier Zhu Rongji. That is why Wen toured Tianjin in June, and why Hu inspected the region in October prior to the Fifth Plenary Session, underlining the duo's grand ambitions. However, the communique does not even mention Tianjin. Thus, we can assume that the plan to develop Tianjin has yet to gain widespread support. The reason for this lack of support may be connected to the allocation of resources.

Fourth, in recent years, China has been making significant concessions to neighboring countries -- ? except Japan -- over territorial disputes. However, the thornier issue facing Beijing is how to resolve border disputes among different autonomous regions and provinces.

During the Fifth Plenary Session, a Hong Kong media outlet disclosed a document that China's State Department addressed to the Ministry of Civil Affairs and the Ministry of Public Security on how to strengthen the efforts to maintain demarcation between provinces and regions. In this document, Beijing asked local governments to maintain stability on borders and eradicate potential conflict. The Hong Kong media's report also pointed out that to contend for resources, people in different regions would also fight against each other, sometimes resorting to armed conflict. On occasion, it required the intervention of Jiang himself to resolve these disputes.

Fifth, not long ago, 17 provincial and city governments called on the central government to forbid foreign media from criticizing their actions (the media within China has rarely been allowed to criticize the government), so that they can do as they wish without even foreign oversight.

One month before the fifth plenum was convened, when Premier Wen was in Guangdong Province conducting a study, an incident in Taishi Village, Panyu County, occurred in which residents tried to depose the village chief. The situation deteriorated, and there was evidence of links between the local government and criminal gangs. Beatings, kidnapping, detention, threats and lies were used to suppress the villagers, British and French reporters were beaten up and a people's representative from Hubei was knocked unconscious. There was a domestic outcry and protests from international groups. Even the US government took an interest. In the face of China's deteriorating reputation abroad, the premier and the central government were impotent, an indication that their authority had been seriously undermined.

Major General Zhu Chenghu, head of the Institute for Strategic Studies at Beijing's National Defense University, and a nephew of People's Liberation Army hero Zhu De, is now facing off against Air Force Lieutenant General Liu Yazhou, a deputy political commissar and the son-in-law of former Chinese president Li Xiannian, representing hawkish and dovish factions respectively. What has happened to military discipline? And what can the central government do? Does the government direct the military or does the military direct the government?

The day after the fifth plenum ended on Oct. 11, the Shenzhou VI rocket was launched. On the same day, Hu Jintao returned to Nanking, his power base. But more especially, he was there to monitor military bases.

As the center has weakened, regional and military factions have become more powerful, creating a greater number of variables affecting China's future. It recalls China's division at the end of the Qing Dynasty, when the Western powers invaded and the regions sought to protect themselves. When the spark of revolution was ignited in Wuchang in 1911, the provinces declared independence one after the other, spelling the end of the Qing empire. Could this also be happening to China's communist empire?

The weakening of centralized power will benefit Hong Kong's autonomy, and is also an opportunity for Taiwan, which already has its own sovereignty. But Taiwan must respond correctly to China's "united front" tactics, and be especially wary of its efforts to intensify foreign struggles, to increase internal cohesion and maintain its grip on power. A conflict with Taiwan would be devastating for the coastal economies, so is it not likely that the provinces would protect their interests and refuse to enter the fray?

Paul Lin is a commentator based in New York.

PRC selling a peculiar version of democracy

By Hsieh Kuan-ying

Three recent events can give Taiwanese a better understanding of China's contradictory and perplexing nature.

First, while US Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld was visiting Beijing, the Chinese government published a white paper entitled "The Building of Political Democracy in China," which aims to project an image of the country as open-minded and democratic.

But a review of China's first such white paper -- which includes 10 chapters and 30,000 characters -- shows that Beijing-style "democracy" is firmly under the direction of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). The paper also emphasizes that China will not seek to emulate the political system of any other country. Such ideas obviously run counter to commonly understood democratic principles.

Second, while addressing his audience at China's Central Party School, the CCP's top training center, Rumsfeld pointed out that "Every society has to be vigilant against another type of great wall that can be a burden on man's talents and is born from a fear of them -- a wall that limits speech, information and choices."

Rumsfeld was trying to drive home the point that any attempt to permanently isolate a group of people would be doomed to failure, and that people will eventually gain access to information they want to know.

Third, on April 30, Shi Tao, a Chinese journalist, was sentenced by the Chinese government to 10 years in jail on charges of "leaking state secrets abroad." The Committee to Protect Journalists presented its 2005 International Press Freedom Award to Shi. Such an award was simply a slap in the face to Beijing.

It is ironic that while vowing to pursue democracy in its recently published white paper, the Chinese government jailed a journalist championing political reform. Beijing argues that "only when the CCP is leading the nation can Chinese people have a say in national affairs and be able to practice the rule of law, thereby highlighting the characteristics of socialism, improving social stability and economy and the people's standard of living, consolidating national sovereignty and maintaining territorial integrity."

To the 800 million Chinese who live only so far from poverty, such a lofty statement must appear absolutely meaningless.

While it was publishing its white paper, China spent 48 billion yuan (US$6 billion) on the launch of its Shenzhou VI spacecraft. Chinese media played their role dutifully, labeling the space mission and the government's drive to reform as a marvelous feat harking back to the halcyon days of the Han and Tang dynasties.

According to World Bank statistics, there are still around 200 million Chinese people living in abject poverty, with daily income of US$1.12. By contrast, the fortunes of the top 100 wealthiest people in China increased by 50 percent last year. However, China's media has never conducted a review of such an unfair phenomenon, for Big Brother will put whoever attempts to challenge national security behind bars.

Over the past 10 years, China's economy has grown at the rate of 9.5 percent per year. This has enriched some people and widened the gap between rich and poor.

Additionally, the number of protests in China increased to 74,000 last year from 10,000 in 1994, reflecting the country's unfair, unjust and corrupt development. That is, of course, the reason why the white paper stresses that economic development can only occur in a stable society. Put simply, a white paper trumpeting China's "democratic politics" is nothing more than a joke.

Hsieh Kuan-ying is a researcher in China studies.

Tensions mount as China and Japan go one-on-one

AFP , TOKYO

Japanese Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi outraged China and other Asian nations on Monday by paying another controversial visit to the Yasukuni war shrine seen by critics as a symbol of Tokyo's wartime aggression.

Koizumi said on Wednesday that he did not accept the argument that relations with China and South Korea would be fine if he stopped visiting the shrine.

"The issues with China and Japan-China relations are not confined to Yasukuni," he said in a parliamentary debate.

"Relations and interdependencies have been deepening in various areas," he said. "I will make efforts to gain an understanding from China and South Korea."

South Korean Foreign Minister Ban Ki-Moon said on Wednesday he had put on hold a planned trip to Japan in protest over the visit to Yasukuni, which honors 2.5 million Japanese war dead including some war criminals from World War II.

And China on Tuesday cancelled Japanese Foreign Minister Nobutaka Machimura's planned visit to Beijing.

Analysts say the latest friction has put a spotlight on fierce rivalry between Tokyo and Beijing that has intensified as China's economy booms while Japan struggles to break out of a decade of economic stagnation.

"The two countries are always stressing the need for cooperation and dialogue," said Masahiro Wakabayashi, professor of international politics and East Asian affairs at Tokyo University.

"But in reality they are not willing to yield an inch as they are racing for Asia's leadership," Wakabayashi said. "I'm afraid that frictions between the two countries are likely to grow for the time being."

Analysts warned the latest row may spread to other conflicts between the two countries, including talks on a contested gas field in the East China Sea.

On the region's security front, Japan irked Beijing late last year by joining the US in pointing out China's increasing defense spending and tensions in the Taiwan Strait.

Japan had previously been reluctant to address the issue directly for fear of angering its powerful neighbor, a major trading partner.

Confrontation also surfaced as China led a campaign against Japan's fading bid to win a permanent seat on the UN Security Council.

"[The Chinese] have already won in the sense that the announcement of the United Nations Security Council seat has been postponed," said Gilles Guiheux, director of the French Centre for Research on Contemporary China in Hong Kong.

However, analysts also note that both China and Japan have their problems.

"For China, the political system -- the Communist control -- is the bottleneck," Wakabayashi said. "How China can manage to expand itself under its political system is always questioned."

For Japan, winning Asia's understanding for its sincere apology for wartime aggression is a prerequisite for regional leadership, said Kaoru Okano, professor of politics at Meiji University in Tokyo.

"But Prime Minister Koizumi has failed to make an effort to win Asia's understanding," Okano said. "If Koizumi's successor follows suit, Asian countries will continue turning their back."

But analysts see little chance of massive demonstrations in China like those seen earlier this year against the approval by Tokyo of a Japanese history textbook that Beijing said downplayed Japan's past atrocities as well as Japan's bid for a permanent seat on the UN Security Council.

"Do they really want to scare the tens of thousands of Japanese in Shanghai? Part of the Shanghai economy depends on Japanese investment, something like 10 percent or even more," Guiheux said.