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 US ‘surprised’ by 
government visit 
 
By Ruan Ming 阮銘 
 
On April 12, China’s Taiwan Affairs Office Minister Wang Yi (王毅) had a 
“surprise” meeting with US Deputy Secretary of State William Burns in 
Washington. The US government, anticipating how sensitive such a meeting might 
be, arranged for an official working in the area of cross-strait affairs to talk 
to Taiwanese reporters on April 10. 
 
No sooner had the official sat down than he announced, unprompted, that Wang was 
to arrive in Washington on April 11, having arranged to meet Burns the next day 
to discuss cross-strait affairs. The official admitted that Wang’s request for a 
meeting had taken the US by surprise, because it was not a routine visit. 
 
When the conversation turned to the notion of “one country, two areas” (一國兩區) 
recently proposed by a Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) envoy in China, the 
official said that the US government was not sure what this formula entailed. He 
said that this proposal had also taken the US by surprise, and that Washington 
hoped that the Taiwanese authorities would be able to explain it. 
 
On the subject of President Ma Ying-jeou’s (馬英九) proposal for a cross-strait 
peace agreement, the official said it was unnecessary, since the majority of 
Taiwanese were in favor of maintaining the “status quo.” The US, he said, did 
not want to see Taiwan pressurized into making any type of political arrangement 
that would threaten stability across the Taiwan Strait. 
 
Asked about the issue of US beef imports to Taiwan, the official responded by 
saying that the US would definitely not link beef imports with other issues, 
such as arms sales or visa exemptions, and that Ma had brought up the issue with 
American Institute in Taiwan (AIT) Chairman Raymond Burghardt on Feb. 1, without 
any prior discussion with the US. 
 
The background information provided by this official was very revealing. He had 
apparently foreseen that Wang would want to find out what the US thought of Ma’s 
recent initiatives and had thought it prudent to make clear beforehand that Ma 
had not mentioned these topics to the US. Not only was the US surprised by the 
developments, it was confused as to what the “one country, two areas” formula 
entailed, and also felt that there was no need to sign a peace agreement. 
 
It looks as though Wang did not get the response he was hoping for in 
Washington. By saying that the developments came as a surprise, the US made it 
clear there was no prior mutual understanding between itself and Taiwan on these 
issues. By saying that it was confused by the “one country, two areas” formula 
and didn’t think a peace agreement was necessary, it made it clear that it did 
not support such ideas. 
 
During his meeting with Burns, Wang remained decidedly low-key, explaining on 
Ma’s behalf that Taiwan was expressing its basic stance on cross-strait 
relations from a legal point of view. Wang added that China hoped to hear some 
positive messages during Ma’s inauguration speech for his second term on May 20. 
 
The US is attempting to weather the diplomatic storm by reaffirming its 
commitment to the “one China” policy, the three US-China joint communiques, and 
the Taiwan Relations Act. What about Taiwan? Taiwanese Representative to the US 
Jason Yuan (袁健生) acted as if nothing had happened, talking of a “no surprises” 
principle in US-Taiwan relations, and saying there were no problems between the 
two countries. 
 
Even as Yuan was talking of “no surprises,” the US official identified three 
unforeseen moves made by the Ma administration. If you count Wang’s unexpected 
visit to the US, that makes four surprises altogether. So which story to 
believe? 
 
There is no need to go into the minutiae here. Judging by the overall picture 
and strategic interests involved, the US official’s version of events seems more 
credible. He had to clarify the situation before Wang’s arrival so that neither 
China nor Taiwan, nor any other country, would misunderstand the positions taken 
by the US or its overall strategy. 
 
The US is shifting its strategic focus toward the Asia-Pacific area, and the 
central point of its strategy there is consolidating the strength of free 
countries to maintain regional security, democracy and development, as well as 
stopping China from expanding its military power. China’s neighbors, including 
Myanmar and other Southeast Asian countries, are adapting to this strategic 
positioning. Only the Ma administration refuses to see the light, remaining 
fixated on China as the only way forward for Taiwan and neglecting the rest of 
the world. 
 
Burghardt’s visit to Taiwan is reported to have been mainly about urging Ma to 
join the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP), which he said could be included in 
talks at next year’s APEC summit. Ma says that the country needs up to 10 years 
to be ready to enter the TPP, but he is clearly following China’s lead on this. 
His unsolicited broaching of the US beef issue was intended as a distraction, 
but it also had the effect of rousing public anger against what people perceive 
as undue pressure from the US, and there have been protests about the beef issue 
outside the AIT building in Taipei. Unsurprisingly, the US is rather unhappy 
about this. 
 
US beef imports are a minor issue. People can eat US beef as they see fit. The 
big issue is what choices the country will make regarding its national strategy. 
Are we to stand together with other free and democratic forces in safeguarding 
liberty, peace and development? Or are we to distance ourselves from them and 
align ourselves with an authoritarian and threatening China? 
 
Besides, China is changing. Former Chongqing Chinese Communist Party secretary 
Bo Xilai (薄熙來), a figure who once represented China’s most reactionary and 
sinister forces, seems to have been the architect of his own demise. Readers may 
recall how Bo received former KMT chairmen Lien Chan (連戰) and Wu Poh-hsiung 
(吳伯雄), amid much fanfare and ostentation, in Chongqing, and the lavish praise 
that Wu heaped on him. Wu remarked that Bo’s image, poise and refinement were 
very much like those of Ma, and that he had great prospects ahead of him. 
 
Bo could hardly contain his glee as he stood before the TV cameras listening to 
Wu’s accolades. Just as the Wang Lijun (王立軍) affair threatened to bring Bo’s 
world crashing down around him, Terry Gou (郭台銘), chairman of Foxconn Technology 
Group and Taiwan’s richest man, rushed to Chongqing to sign a contract with Bo 
under the attentive gaze of the press. The photo of Gou and Bo posing together 
was the last one to be published in the press before Bo disappeared from public 
view. 
 
From what the US official said, we can see that US-Taiwan relations have gone 
from “no surprises” to “plenty of surprises.” More than that, his remarks show 
that Ma’s entire national strategy has lost its way. Ma’s lack of direction is a 
major issue that affects the fate of each and every Taiwanese, and as such, it 
cannot be taken lightly. 
 
Ruan Ming is a former professor of Tamkang University and was a special 
assistant to former general secretary of the Chinese Communist Party Hu Yaobang 
 
Translated by Paul Cooper 
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