在中共氣焰高亢的同時，有某新黨人士卻以密使自居，來往台海兩岸，自以為很夠力，不久前還是反共領袖的跟班；而國民黨失去政權，就有許多人變成媚共的中共同路人，這些人實質的以中國為祖上的觀念充份顯示，在以前的政權的確是外來政權，而以中國人姿態管台灣人。現在阿扁主政，大中國心思成為省籍情結的圖騰，毫不把所謂民主、自由放在眼裏，其等某些人的心中，只有緊緊跟著中國人的政權，這批人不但踢死國民黨，還要佔有台灣政權，其等罪不可赦，是全民公敵。
台灣人融合，五十五年前與四佰年來的大混合，叫稱「我是台灣人太沉重」？
省籍情結的罪魁是誰？乃是逼阿扁宣稱「我是中國人」的人，住台灣、吃台灣、用台灣，五十五年了，不愛台灣愛何者？不稱台灣人稱何者？台灣人是垃圾廢民？這批自命中國人的人，利用台灣資源，享用民主自由，忘本到了極點！我的眼中沒有外省人，而外省人自處於台灣人，媚共、哈共、賣台，不知何許人也！
追求個人的政治利益，而犧牲台灣人的尊嚴與國際法人性格，自以為可以扮演解救台灣的角色，實在不衛生、不要臉，與不知天高地厚，還代替中共發言，認為中共已經對阿扁失望，此亦是低估中共的政治智慧。台商在大陸並不保險，在風險中打拼，加上賭性堅強的個性，台商是否會等於是「台殤」，大家為他們祈禱吧！台灣積弱，主要在於人人自私為自己打算，無法貫徹與政府共存共榮的態度，現在逐漸被分化，加諸島內有比「台共」更厲害的朝共團、媚共黨與哈共軍，台灣人要自戒自限了。
2000.01.16／林喜樹
在南部頗具知名度的南良集團被指控替中國運送飛彈零件到利比亞事件傳出後，南良集團正式出面否認，且直指此一事件並不單純，根據軍情局透露，此一事件應該是中國方面利用台商名義進行非法走私軍火的案件，軍情局希望台商多加注意中國的動作。
據調查，中國對台商的利用與統戰最近已出現嚴重的警訊，除了南良集團的名稱可能遭到中國有計劃冒用做為走私軍火掩護，成為無妄之災外，尤有甚者，更威嚇台商替中國擔任對台統戰的急先鋒，甚至介入總統大選。
據軍情單位透露，此一針對台商統戰的動作有三大目標：
一、目前有部份台商提出申請撤資的要求，中國當局就會以涉及間諜罪嫌對他們進行恐嚇。
二、要求加入中國籍讓台商擁有中國護照，以證明對祖國忠心及證明為中華人民共和國國民。
三、強行入股：以不當手段強行介入台商工廠主導權運作。
消息來源指出，台商最近受到中國當局的指示，除上述三項動作之外，也應該要配合中央的指示對台灣三月大選進行一些配合動作，目前情治單位正在懷疑，在興票案曝光之後，宋陣營的國內捐款日漸減少甚至有斷炊的現象，但其從特定人士中固定獲得的贊助卻不斷的湧進，目前情治單位正在調查宋營最近從海外與大陸的捐款流向與經手人，據說，最近光從海外或大陸匯給特定總統參選人的金額至少有五千萬之多，而這些金額到底如何流通與經何種管道或特定個人、企業進行轉手，在在都是情治單位密切調查的重點。
消息來源透露，事實上，目前情治單位較注意的是最近密集往來台港內陸三地的台商動態，這些台商若被情治單位監控就表示其密集往返台港內陸三地的動作不單純，第一級是、涉及經濟犯罪問題。第二級是、替特定總統候選人當信差（送錢或反應訊息）。第三級是、替中國進行情報蒐集。第三級目前被監控的對象據國安局長等情治首長曾報告過的數據是不到兩位數，至於第二級的對象數量頗多，宋營支持者中有太多的台商群，這其中以同是在台灣長大的外省人前往大陸經商的族群最多，而第一級的人數也難以估計，這一級大部份都是返台調頭寸或進行經濟犯罪型的台商。
根據 Washington post 於May 11,
2001的報導，中共的秘密保安人員於中共領導班子接近換班前，有加緊防患與打壓分離份子的行動。
其對象：
以下是英文報導：
China
Strikes Hard at Criminals, Dissidents
Campaign Comes as Prelude to Major Political Turnover; at Least 480
Executed Since Early April
By Philip P. Pan
Washington Post Foreign Service
Friday, May 11, 2001; Page A37
BEIJING -- Chinese police
and security services have launched a major crackdown on political
and ethnic dissidents as the government prepares for a major leadership
change.
The clampdown is the
most severe since controls on free speech were tightened after the
repression of the China Democracy Party in 1998. Its timing suggests
that officials associated with the security apparatus are trying to
burnish their credentials before the competition for senior posts
expected at next year's Communist Party congress.
The
crackdown's most visible component is a nationwide "Strike Hard"
campaign targeting violent and organized crime that has resulted in
at least 480 executions since April 11. While similar provincial campaigns
occur regularly, China has only launched two other Strike Hard campaigns
at the national level, most recently in 1996.
Local authorities are
under orders to make more arrests and hand down stiffer sentences.
They are using the campaign to go after ethnic separatists, underground
churches, unregistered Internet cafes and peasants resisting high
taxes, according to witnesses, reports in state-run newspapers and
Western diplomats with contacts in various provinces.
At the same time, a
number of dissidents who posted their views on the Internet have been
arrested or imprisoned in recent months and the State Security Ministry
has detained and interrogated Chinese scholars and writers returning
from overseas, including at least five U.S. citizens, two of whom
remain in custody.
The
crackdown fits a pattern of Chinese government actions since the 1976
death of Mao Zedong and the start of market reforms more than two
decades ago: Leaders allow people more freedom, but regularly tighten
controls when they fear things have gone too far.
This clampdown comes
as social problems unleashed by economic reform, including corruption,
unemployment and crime, continue to worsen. In addition, the government
has been hit by challenges blamed on hostile forces in the United
States, including the defection of an army colonel in December, the
apparent leak of secret papers describing deliberations of senior
leaders before the 1989 Tiananmen Square crackdown and the rise of
the banned Falun Gong spiritual movement.
All this is occurring
as the Bush administration adopts a tougher stance toward China and
as party factions position themselves for a major leadership transition.
In a generational change at next year's party congress, as much as
three-quarters of the decision-making Politburo will be replaced and
as many as six of the seven men on the Politburo's all-powerful Standing
Committee could step down.
Wu Guoguang, a professor
at Chinese University of Hong Kong and a former adviser to ousted
Communist Party chief Zhao Ziyang, said the uncertainty of the succession
process contributes to leaders' worries about social instability.
"I think the regime is very nervous," he said. "They
think there's a big plot involving overseas Chinese and the United
States and Taiwan. The leadership senses some very dangerous trends,
and they're trying to take a firm stand against all these things."
One figure who has much
riding on the outcome of the crackdown is State Councilor Luo Gan,
the protege of Li Peng, the senior Communist Party leader. As the
official who oversees China's justice and security ministries, Luo
is coordinating the crackdown. He is also pushing for a seat on the
Standing Committee, according to Western diplomats.
But ultimately, Luo
is carrying out the orders of China's senior leaders, including President
Jiang Zemin. Jiang is scheduled to retire soon, but he is said to
be trying to maintain control of the military as an "elder"
like China's last paramount leader, Deng Xiaoping, who ruled from
behind the scenes until he died.
Analysts trace the crackdown
in part to two major gatherings in Beijing of security officials from
across the country, one on Jan. 20 and the other April 2-3. Luo presided
over the first meeting and delivered a major speech at the second,
according to the state-run media.
After the first meeting,
several overseas Chinese scholars were detained, including American
University's Gao Zhan. Gao, a permanent resident of the United States,
remains in custody, accused of espionage.
The State Department
recently issued an unusual travel advisory warning Chinese-born Americans
who have published writings critical of the government, or who have
traveled to Taiwan, that they may risk detention if they return to
China. A Western diplomat said at least six U.S. citizens, including
Gao's 5-year-old son, have been detained and that two, scholars Li
Shaomin and Wu Jianming, remain in custody.
Chinese
authorities also arrested at least two "Internet dissidents,"
including Yang Zili, a Web master in Beijing who posted articles critical
of the government and describing the problems of Chinese peasants,
and Lu Xinhua, a democracy activist in the central city of Wuhan,
who posted criticism of Jiang on an overseas Web site.
State media said Jiang
called for a Strike Hard campaign at the second security conference
to make "obvious" progress against crime over the next two
years, and said public order "is not only a major social issue,
but is also a major political issue." Luo was quoted as urging
police officials to "smash blackness and wipe out evil."
More
than 480 people were executed in the first three weeks of the Strike
Hard campaign, according to Agence France-Presse, which keeps a tally
from state-run newspapers across the country. The actual number is
believed to be much higher because many reports refer only to a "group"
of criminals put to death.
In the past, such campaigns
have been used by local officials, under pressure to make more arrests,
to go after ethnic minorities and religious figures. Leaders in Xinjiang
province in western China, where Uighurs, a Muslim ethnic group, are
a majority, have already announced plans to target "national
splittists, violent terrorists and religious extremists." At
least eight Uighurs have been executed, including one labeled a separatist,
according to state media.
The
government has also suspended the opening of new Internet cafes for
three months and has begun pressuring unregistered cafes and underground
churches, according to Western diplomats. Roman Catholic groups have
reported the arrests of several clergy, including an 83-year-old bishop
in Beijing. In southern Jiangxi province, local officials used the
Strike Hard campaign to raid the village of Yuntang, where peasants
had been protesting high taxes, the villagers said. Two unarmed protesters
were killed and up to 38 others were wounded in the raid, they said.
