Chapter 69
 
 
膨脹得太厲害


 

  台塑集團的王永慶是台灣有名的大富翁,他說的one China原則,要兩岸能各自表述,行嗎?

  台灣買個自衛武器,中共就哇哇叫,中共M族對台威脅,台灣的大戶王永慶敢在江澤民面前抗議嗎?中共說:台灣若承認一中、若能三通、若能開放戒急用忍...,就會把M族撤退到其他地區;台灣當局能向中共說:中共若能平等對談、不壓制台灣的外交、不發展核武、不打壓人權、不打壓宗教、不打壓異議份子、不打壓台灣的新政府、不打壓台獨份子、不打壓海外民主黨人士...,就可以全通了?條件彼此對開,雙方平等會談,是公平合理的法則,中共無理在先,台灣人的王永慶說的是什麼話?


Government, DPP reject tycoon's 'one China' call

Published: June 20, 2001
Source: News reports

A call by Formosa Plastics Group Chairman Wang Yung-ching Tuesday for Taipei to accept Beijing's "one China" principle was rejected by government officials and Democratic Progressive Party lawmakers.

The Mainland Affairs Council issued a statement saying Taiwan could not agree to accept the "one China" principle.

"Under the Chinese interpretation of 'one China,' the Republic of China doesn't exist," the MAC's statement said.

The MAC said that handling the "one China" problem would require both sides to first temporarily shelve the dispute to create a more favorable atmosphere before mutual resolution of the issue.

Meanwhile, government spokesman Su Tzen-ping said that the ROC government has never shunned and will not shun the "one China" issue, although the issue itself has been defined and acknowledged differently by all parties concerned.

Su said the government's stance on cross-strait relations is that both sides should shelve the sovereignty dispute until such time as a "favorable" atmosphere is nurtured to allow both sides to jointly tackle the "one China" problem.

However, he pointed out that the vision of "one China" espoused by Wang himself in newspaper reports and books in the past as a "Chinese confederation" comprised of mainland China, Taiwan and Hong Kong, is a concept unacceptable to Beijing.

Wang, one of Taiwan's richest industrialists, also repeated a call that all curbs on investment across the Strait be lifted to bolster the flagging local business environment. He backed his reasoning by saying present social and political conditions are more chaotic than the corruption of the Kuomintang government of 40 years ago.

"Taiwan's people should calmly accept the 'one China' principle and from this position of equality both sides can cooperate to enjoy long-lasting mutual benefits," said Wang, who was speaking at a biotech promotional event in Taipei. "There is no hatred between the two sides. ... both sides share common roots," the 84-year-old said.

Wang said Taipei's current "no haste, be patient" policy on investment in the mainland should be scrapped.

Currently, the Taiwan government imposes a limit of US$50 million on any single investment in mainland China, and totally bans investment in high-tech and infrastructure projects.

Wang drew criticism from independence-minded lawmakers for his remarks but also qualified support from the opposition.

Legislator Tsai Huang-liang, a DPP whip, roundly condemned Wang's remarks saying the "one China" principle equaled stripping Taiwan of its national sovereignty and status.

Tsai argued that the relocation of Taiwan businesses to mainland China, the opening of direct trade, travel and transportation links across the Taiwan Strait and the so-called "one China" policy are actually three different issues that are not necessarily logically linked.

Beijing's intentional linking of those issues is a deliberate attempt to make things difficult for Taiwan and thus create additional tension between the two sides of the Taiwan Strait, Tsai added.

Tsai continued that Taiwan has never demanded prerequisites on the development of cross-strait relations and pointed out that President Chen Shui-bian has on many occasions stressed that cross-strait issues, including the "one China" issue as well as the "three direct links" issue, can all be discussed on a basis of equality.

Tsai added that if Wang is really concerned about Taiwan's future, he should play a different role in cross-strait relations and use his personal clout to urge the Beijing authorities to accept the fact of the ROC's legal and sovereign existence and resume cross-strait dialogue based on equality.

Wang's remarks received more favorable responses from among the generally pro-unification opposition parties.

Lee Cheng-chong, KMT party secretary, said that if Wang's "one China" comment was said in the spirit of the 1992 consensus of "one China, each to his own interpretation" the KMT of course welcomed the remark.

Lee stressed that the KMT has for long advocated that Taiwan openly recognizes the so-called "1992 consensus" of "one China, separate interpretations" and that this stance remains the KMT's set policy as far as cross-strait relations are concerned.

KMT Legislator Ho Chih-hui, a former KMT party whip, also called for the DPP to observe what he claimed is the "mainstream" opinion of the Taiwan public. "Only when both sides of the Taiwan Strait return to the "1992 consensus" can the cross-strait impasse start to thaw," Ho said.

People First Party convener Chou Hsi-wei said Wang's speech was "very rational," urging the "new government" to return to the 1992 consensus and "stop looking at Chinese people with hatred and causing ethnic rifts within Taiwan."

 

  中共利用台灣黑金與特權份子,做為其在台的統戰尖兵,在香港就有相當的成效,中共之打敗國民黨在大陸的江山,亦是運作此矛盾、分化、內鬥的方式。

  在老蔣時代,強權統治,只能談反攻大陸,故台灣得以安然確保,較阿扁時代人權至上、民主自由,政治立場各有堅持,其結果台灣成為頹弱之國,此乃是全民對主權的看法不一,而身為台灣人的定位不明確,大中國主義作祟的原故。

  中共時時對台做出不理性的戰爭遊戲,一心要佔有台灣,先榨乾台灣的油水,再運作統戰分化的手段,令民主台灣自己滅亡,中共在香港吸收黑金大戶與媒體特權者,就足以用以夷制夷的戰略,監控香港的民主運動,中共認清一點,就是國家之強勢,必以武力與財力為後盾,而武力可以控制財脈,而金主必得降服於權勢。而台灣呢?現在人人發飆,自我膨脹,又無台灣人傳承的土牛精神與中共對立,危矣!危矣!

  看此篇,有關中共如何收買財閥與黑金的報導。

Thursday, June 21st, 2001
TAIPEI TIMES

Editorial: Red fat cat or just tired old dragon?

When Hong Kong was still under British rule, residents often used the phrase "red fat cat" (紅色大肥貓) to describe pro-China capitalists in the territory, who always defended Beijing's communist regime in order to win exclusive distribution rights for Chinese products and other business opportunities. Among the more prominent red fat cats were Fok Ying-tung (霍英東), a former gang boss who has remade himself into vice chairman of the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference (CPPCC) and Tsui Sze-man (徐四民), publisher of Mirror magazine (鏡報) and currently a standing committee member of the CPPCC.

Beijing has apparently found a new candidate for the title in Taiwan, in the person of Wang Yung-ching (王永慶), chairman of the Formosa Plastics Group (FPG).

When Wang asked the Taiwan government on Tuesday to accept the "one China" principle, he was trying to give a political justification to Beijing for his several investment projects now underway in China.

Wang has always used a two-faced strategy whenever he has faced business difficulties in Taiwan. He has tried to win better deals from the government by publicly lambasting it and by stirring up fears that the Formosa group was about to leave Taiwan for greener pastures -- thereby putting tremendous pressure on the Ministry of Economic Affairs. He has also curried favor in Beijing to lay the groundwork for FPG's investments in China. His argument was that if the Taiwan government does not allow FPG to set up plants in China, then it must give the conglomerate the best deals possible at home in terms of loans and land prices. In this way, FPG managed to squeeze highly favorable investment terms from the KMT government for its Sixth Naphtha Cracker Plant project in Yunlin County.

Taiwan's businesses have been withering, Wang said, because almost nine out of 10 export processing businesses have moved to China -- even high-tech companies have been moving their production bases over the past few years. But he then paradoxically asked the government to encourage businesses to migrate to China.

Rapid industrial migration overseas, however, will only further aggravate the domestic economy, given the inevitable unemployment and capital outflows it will trigger. Perhaps only a muddled-headed old man like Wang could have uttered such contradictory remarks. Even more surprising was Wang's comment that "There is no enmity between Taiwan and the mainland; [the two sides] should treat each other on an equal basis." Wang appears confused about who his audience should be -- he should be trying that line out on the leaders in the Zhongnanhai, given China's military threats and its constant bullying of Taiwan on every front.

Ever since martial law was abolished, Taiwan has consistently worked to ease enmity across the Taiwan Strait by promoting various exchanges. What has China done? Launched missiles into the seas off Taiwan in the run-up to the 1996 presidential election and staged large-scale military maneuvers including practice invasions. And of course, it rants hysterically at almost any mention of Taiwan in the international arena. Would Wang just have the people of Taiwan give in quietly to such intimidation? The people of Taiwan would be better served by Wang going to Beijing and fighting there for an equitable status for Taiwan, instead of muttering into his teacup here in Taipei.

Wang is going to Beijing later this month. But he won't be fighting for Taiwan or its people. He'll just be looking for ways to fatten his profits. He will be negotiating for several FPG investment projects, including a US$5 billion petrochemical project in central China. His motives for saying what he did on Tuesday cannot be more obvious.

  

  中共在東山島的演習就是對台的登陸演習,中共怕的事,就是台灣要爭取的主權保障,台美軍事的聯防是台灣的民主保障,此事實絕對不可更替,台灣有人提倡“賣台投降論”,是台灣的公敵!

  看看中共運用核心理戰的戰略:

中美核威懾的對抗模式  

平可夫

  東山島演習之際,中國展示 DF31新洲際彈道導彈,通過核心理戰,強調核威懾作用。

  在東山島演習的同時,中國再度對美實施一系列的核威懾動作,包括展示新的 DF31 洲際彈道導彈。中國的用意十分明確,即通過「核心理戰」對美國顯示不惜一切代價希望統一的決心。中美雙方在冷戰結束以後的「冷和」時代的核心理戰一直貫穿於九六年以來中美圍繞兩岸問題展開的明爭暗鬥。

  中國軍隊自從今年五月進行的一系列海陸軍事演習十分突出強調核威懾的作用。五月廿日南京軍區副司令員秦比伍發表關於解決台灣問題的講話,秦稱中國軍方有勇氣、有決心、有能力解決台灣問題,並表示不懼怕任何外來勢力的干涉。軍隊已做好了犧牲準備,不惜採取包括核戰爭在內的一切必要戰爭手段打擊任何外來勢力的挑釁。九九年以來,中國對核威懾的態度發生了明顯的變化,包括主動宣布掌握中子彈製造技術、官方軍事媒體聲稱把敵機、敵艦消滅在機場、軍港的最好辦法就是使用中子彈。中國顯然通過軍隊較低級別將領的發言,保持對核威懾的某種「模糊」態度,以抑制台灣目前常規軍事力量上所處的優勢。

  九六年以來,每當台灣海峽出現動盪,中國軍隊便主動展示其核力量,九六年三月,軍方通過中新社以發表 DF5洲際導彈圖片等方式試圖對美國進行「圖片核威懾」以牽制美對台態度。第二炮兵副司令在英文版的《中國日報》上發表談話指出:中國擁有足夠的能力反擊來自任何國家和地區的核攻擊。這一動向標誌著中國的「核威懾」理論有了概念性的突破,即超越核威懾遏制核戰爭的傳統定義,將核威懾作用於遏制對手以常規戰爭方式介入台灣問題。

  在理論上,將「核威懾」本身同「積極防禦」的理論結合起來。即將積極防禦的概念延伸到「核反擊」領域。「我們的防禦要保持其積極性,就是要求我們的核力量能夠強大到對敵國具有足夠的威懾力」。軍隊內部報告如此表示。

  這在西方引起了極大關注。詹氏防衛週刊公開了 DF31的最新圖片及相關評論。來自 Minsk Wheeled Tractor Plant的消息,若干年前他們幫助中國設計、製造供彈道導彈使用的運載車。可見中國的核武計劃發展,其各項支援分系統的確得到獨聯體國家的支持。剛剛亮相的 DF31發射車外形完全類似蘇聯 SS20IRBM使用的 12x12MAZ547V豎立發射系統 (北約代號SaberTEL)。 SS20/AZ547VTEL 的民用型稱作 MZKT79161,最大載重量 50噸,使用V58-7-MS 柴油發動機,出力 522kW。轉彎半徑 27米,最大時速 42公里, DF31使用的新發射車可能在武漢三江特種車輛技術中心研製。在 Minsk Wheeled Tractor Plant的幫助下,前者還得到了 MAZ﹣543A8x8TEL的生產技術,用於 DF11。

  加拿大漢和情報評論對最新展示的 DF31進行了重新命名,以便同九九年閱兵式上出現的DF31相區別。為提高越野性,新的 DF31發射筒以十條左右的加強筋進行了加固。由輪胎直徑以及發射車長度推算,新 DF31發射筒在廿米左右。比九九年天安門展出的 DF31長度略長,因此漢和情報判斷它可能屬於改良型,也許就是傳聞已久的 DF31A。另一方面,DF31和 DF11兩種發射車可能還通過中國進入了巴基斯坦。後者的 ShackenA/B型短中程導彈使用 MAZ543A 和 MAZ547V變型。華盛頓高度重視中國的核威懾動作,並且進行了相應的反威懾造勢。包括聲稱要部署新一代的 B2隱型轟炸機以及戰斧遠程巡航導彈到關島。可見美國也在作軍事上的認真準備,並指望以高技術兵器必要時對中國的核設施進行反威懾。因此,以高精度打擊武器遏制核戰爭模式,可能成為廿一世紀軍事威懾的一種新方式。

  同時,華盛頓的情報專家分析,新的 DF31載車也許不具備機動豎立發射的能力,僅僅用於運輸。認為 DF31改良型目前還在試驗中,並未投入實戰服役,因此,圖片展示動機可能僅僅在於心理威懾。對於中國的核威懾動作,美國已經心領神會。但是,中美會為台灣進行核大戰?也許僅僅是威懾而已 。

 


  中共口口聲聲要維護領土完整,以物為尚,而置台灣人民的意識為無物,不知這些想法是否為中共無神唯物論的延伸。

  看CNN的報導:

China plays Taiwan wargames

June 1, 2001 Posted: 12:42 PM HKT (0442 GMT)

BEIJING, China -- China's army will practice capturing an outlying Taiwanese island and attacking an aircraft carrier this month, a state-run newspaper says.

The exercises, involving land, sea and air forces, will take place on and around Dongshan Island, off China's southeastern coast in the straits that separate China and Taiwan, the Beijing Morning Post said.

The maneuvers will be China's first large-scale war games since the election of Taiwanese President Chen Shui-bian last May, The Associated Press quotes the newspaper as saying.

It said the combined exercises are one of the largest conducted by China's 2.5-million member People's Liberation Army, the world's biggest fighting force.

"The main military targets of these exercises will be attacking and occupying an outlying Taiwanese island and attacking an aircraft carrier," the newspaper said.

The exercises "demonstrate the Chinese government's determination to protect sovereignty and territorial integrity," it said.

Taiwan and China split amid civil war in 1949, but Beijing still regards the island as part of its territory. China has repeatedly threatened to attack Taiwan if its government indefinitely rebuffs Beijing's demands for talks on unification or if it declares outright independence.

The Beijing Morning Post said forces taking part in the exercises will include missile units, amphibious tanks, submarines, warships, marine soldiers and Russian-made Su-27 aircraft -- among the most modern and potent weapons in China's growing arsenal, according to A.P.

Nearly 10,000 troops have been taking up position on Dongshan Island since mid-May, the newspaper said.

"Dongshan Island is now full of all types of Liberation Army units. Troops that have reached the site of the exercises are intensifying training in order to prepare for the big maneuvers," the newspaper said.

 


  自由電子報有言,甚為合適全台灣民眾觀賞…

 

2001.06.21/自由電子報社論集錦-「全民關心台灣經濟」系列社論

趕快彌補台灣安全防禦的漏洞

  我國陸軍昨天在屏東試射愛國者飛彈,先後發射的三枚愛國者飛彈成功攔截從綠島發射的靶彈和靶機。由於這項演習是愛國者飛彈在美國境外首次實彈試射成功,所以格外引人重視。

  而愛國者飛彈試射成功也證明,我國具有防禦中國導彈攻擊的利器,對於維護台海和平的意義非同小可。 由於中國不斷增加對台灣的軍事威脅,有效防禦中國可能的各種軍事進犯,便成為我國國軍的建軍重點。

  近年來,我國引進愛國者飛彈,主要是因為中國在台灣對岸部署M9與M11型導彈,而且每年增加的數量十分可觀。據估計,未來十年,中國將在台灣對岸部署八百枚左右的M族導彈。對此潛在威脅,國軍向來不敢輕忽,也積極部署有效的防禦之道,昨天愛國者飛彈試射成功,便是其中的成果之一。當然,中國對台灣的軍事威脅,不是只有愛國者飛彈就足以完全防禦。由於中國近年從俄羅斯獲取大量先進武器,大幅增加國防經費,其擴張軍備的程度已經使台海軍力出現失衡之虞。正因如此,今年四月舉行的台美軍售會議,美國總統布希決定出售台灣多項先進防禦武器,以強化我國的軍事防禦能力。

  我國一向主張國際和平共處,被迫持續強化軍事防禦能力,實在是因應中國軍事威脅的必要之舉。 然而,對於我國強化軍事防禦能力,少數人卻將之比擬為與中國進行軍備競賽,認為我國不應花費大量預算購買武器,而且我國強化軍事防禦能力會提高台海緊張。這種本末倒置的說法,完全罔顧我國雖然主張和平卻飽受中國軍事威脅,不得不建立起碼的軍事防禦能力以備不時之需的事實。

  更何況,我國向來所購買的武器皆屬防禦性質,包括愛國者飛彈根本不是攻擊性的武器,何能提高台海緊張?今年台美軍售會議之後,布希總統和陳水扁總統一致指出,台灣強化防禦能力的目的,是要嚇阻中國的軍事冒險主義,確保兩岸以和平方式解決歧見。事實上,維護台海和平一直是我國的既定政策,自從前總統李登輝宣佈終止動員戡亂以來,我國便一再向中國表達和平善意,希望雙方透過和平、平等的協商,解決一切的歧見,建立正常的關係,以維護台海和平,為區域穩定共同努力。可惜的是,中國方面的作為不僅與此相反,甚至以更大的軍事威脅來對付我國的和平誠意。

  在這種情形下,建立有效的軍事防禦能力,便成為台灣當前唯一的選擇。 不過,軍事防禦能力畢竟只是維護國家總體安全的一部分,我國的軍事防禦雖然基本上已能應付中國的威脅,但其他的因素仍然必須給予同等的重視。

  其一是,經濟是台灣生存與發展的命脈,一年多來台灣經濟卻陷入嚴重衰退的困境,不但產業蕭條不已,失業率也不斷攀升。如此一來,不僅國內的穩定受到影響,虎視眈眈的中國也得以趁機對台灣施展經濟統戰,進行一場沒有煙硝的戰爭。可憂的是,朝野人士對於振興經濟仍缺乏正確認識,不少人反而把「錢進中國」、「三通直航」當作萬靈丹。

  其二是,自從去年政權輪替之後,許多政治人物莫名其妙染上了中國熱。尤其是在野黨中某些卸任官員和民意代表,紛紛以各種名目前往中國訪問,並以獲得中國高層接見為榮,而且在有意無意之間附和中國矮化台灣主權地位的論調。另外,極少數只顧自己商業利益的紅頂商人,以及特定的統派媒體,也甘於充當中國「以經促政」、「以商反政」的傳聲筒,大肆鼓吹鬆綁戒急用忍、立即推動三通,甚至要求政府接受北京的一個中國原則。

  來自中國軍事上的威脅,大家都可以看得到,也可以強化軍事防禦能力來應付,但是台灣內部的經濟問題,以及政商人物和媒體向中國傾斜的言行,卻為我國的國家安全網製造更大的漏洞,政府千萬不能輕忽,全體國人更要對此存有戒心。特別是,中國對台灣的政經統戰已經深入台灣內部,其在台灣培植內應勢力的策略也愈來愈明顯。在陸軍愛國者飛彈試射升空之際,某位紅頂商人卻將北京的一個中國原則高唱入雲,不僅未顧及台灣的生存發展與失業問題,也十足暴露出台灣當前國家安全上的嚴重隱憂。

  僅此一例便有力說明,政府除了強化軍事防禦能力,也要拿出有效的辦法振興經濟,莫讓經濟衰退成為中國統戰的溫床。至於親中人士和紅頂商人的乖謬言行,政府官員更應及時予以駁斥,絕對不能讓這些人為了私利出賣國家前途。