Chapter 70
 
 
看誰在台灣搗蛋


 

  中共為了防堵陳水扁的新政權,要急統或統派人士積極打擊阿扁,現在有些人因為對中共有些承諾,相信非常急躁,於是露出狐狸尾巴,相對李扁之會,有了許多不尋常的動作。

  愛國者飛彈在台灣試射成功是個大好吉兆,但是急統派的聲浪反應比中共還激烈,真不知這些中共派的台灣立委是因為達不到預期的反扁效果,還是太看輕台灣一大群默默不語的老百姓?是否在台灣的立委,有些受到中共與統派商人的收買?是否中共有投注資金在這些急統人士的身上?是否選擇快到了,而台灣景氣不佳,中共成為金主?是否有民進黨人士亦被中共收買?是否王永慶的一中原則有其盤算?他會資助誰?是否台灣的某些大商人與中共達成某些默契?是否台灣的中華民國要消滅於統派之手?台灣的民主自由可以容許這些哈共份子的陰謀破壞?台灣沒有國家安全需要嗎?看看這則報導,自行判斷合宜否?

 

2001.06.20/自由電子報駐美特派員曹郁芬華府報導

李挺扁 重創中國扶植統派的戰略

  美國華盛頓郵報十九日的報導指出,台灣前總統李登輝與現任民進黨總統陳水扁的結盟,對於中國企圖在台灣形成強大的統一聯盟,已經造成嚴重打擊。

  這篇來自北京的報導說,中國政府數個月來企圖孤立陳水扁,因為陳水扁過去有鼓吹台獨的紀錄,中國尤其希望國民黨與親民黨能利用在國會的優勢孤立陳水扁,迫使他採取更有利於中國大陸的政策。 不過在領導國民黨多年的李前總統表態,他與支持者將放棄國民黨,轉而支持民進黨後,中國對陳水扁的孤立策略現在遭遇麻煩了。

  郵報指出,上週六李扁首次在陳水扁就任後同台出現,李登輝且宣佈「新台灣的誕生」,兩人並在群眾歡呼聲中一起手牽著手,高舉過頭向群眾致意。 郵報說,李登輝不願說明他的意圖。

  不過他最近所「背書」出版的兩本傳記明確表達了他對國民黨主席連戰和親民黨主席宋楚瑜的不滿。 陳水扁為其中一本著作寫序,而且前內閣閣員和李的親信都在書中告訴記者,不少國民黨立委將出走與李形成新的政團。

  郵報指出,這個現象可能使台灣的統獨之爭更趨兩極化,李扁鼓吹放慢與中國談判統一的腳步,但連宋希望推動與北京更親密的連結。 學者楊念祖告訴郵報,這是台灣政治重組的開始,未來本土派與外省派的分歧將更嚴重。

  他認為,這是一個危險的過程,因為北京可能更相信和平統一無望。一旦如此,北京可能加重軍事統一的準備,放棄政治解決。不過中國可能會等到年底立委選舉後,再評估對台策略。

 

2001.06.20/自由電子報社論集錦-「全民關心台灣經濟」系列社論

駁斥王永慶產業必須西進的謬論

  台塑董事長王永慶昨天在一場演講會上發出驚人之語。他的演講有三個主要論點與主張:一是呼籲政府「坦然接受大陸『一中』主張」;一是「台灣要化危機為轉機,唯一可能的途徑就是大舉前進大陸」;一是「當前的情況比四十多年前腐敗國民黨政府更落伍更亂」。其中,所謂當前的情況比四十多年前更差的指控,反映的只是個人的情緒,而不是理性的探討,嚴重偏離事實,根本不值一駁。而「坦然接受一中」與「大舉前進大陸」的兩項主張,則攸關國家安全與全民利益,是屬於大是大非的問題,所以吾人不得不就教於王董事長。

  王永慶表示,台灣與大陸間並沒有什麼仇恨,且是同根所生,應抱持「合則兩利」的基本大原則,坦然接受一中主張,彼此平等對待。這段話把台灣的前途,扣上中華民族的大帽子,就跟中共以民族主義要求台灣回歸中國的訴求如出一轍。民族主義在無國界的時代中已變成一個落伍的觀念,一個國家如果不能以比較好的制度、文化與經濟發展吸引人民,使之近悅遠來,卻只能用虛無縹緲的民族情感做為訴求,這個國家的存在價值顯然是必須受到質疑的。在王永慶的談話中,民族主義的訴求固不足論,但更大的要害則在於犯了「倒果為因」與「反客為主」的邏輯謬誤。表面上看來,王永慶說「台灣與大陸間並沒有什麼仇恨,應該平等對待」,這並沒有錯;錯就錯在,現在是中國彷彿跟台灣有不共戴天的仇恨,而不是台灣去招惹、挑釁中國。多數台灣人民本來就認為台灣與大陸之間並沒有仇恨,可是對岸的中國卻不這麼想,也不願意平等對待台灣,才會造成台海的緊張關係。

  從王永慶的語意看來,台灣不接受「一中」,似乎成了麻煩製造者。然而,王永慶可能沒有想到他輕描淡寫的「坦然接受一中」,是意味著一個主權獨立國家的消滅,也就是台灣人民打拚半世紀所累積出來的政經成就,在一夕之間就成了向中國稱臣投降的貢品。台灣已是一個民主國家,跟港澳的殖民地地位不同,台灣的命運是決定於多數台灣人民,既不是由上面的統治者來主宰,也不是由過去的歷史關係來決定現在的歸屬。所謂的「一中」,指涉的就是中華人民共和國,這在國際上已無疑義,即使錢其琛曾經提出「台灣與大陸同屬一個中國」的新三句,但是從日前中馬建交公報中強調「世界上只有一個中國,中華人民共和國政府是代表全中國的唯一合法政府,台灣是中國領土不可分割的一部分」,就可以看穿所謂的新三句原是內外有別,只是為了對台統戰的需要。中國的「一中」原則,甚至親、新等在野黨也只能接受「一中各表」,無法認同「一中就是中華人民共和國」的說法,在大多數民意反對下,政府如何「坦然接受一中」?

  王永慶又說,大陸工資僅台灣的十分之一,在「水往下流」原理下,台灣十之八九的加工業已前進大陸,近年來連高科技產業也陸續轉往大陸設廠,使得台灣百業蕭條,形成難以逆轉的趨勢。而在王永慶的眼中,台灣企業唯一的解救之道,就是快速提出在大陸設廠的可行計畫,紓解台灣產業所面臨的危機。這種邏輯實在令人難以理解,既然說產業轉往大陸投資會造成百業蕭條,又怎可說解決危機就是快速赴大陸設廠。因此我們想就教於王先生者有三:一,如果台灣產業都響應王先生的號召競相西移,請問這些產業的員工是否隨著西移?如果不能隨廠西移,則這些員工是否就成了失業者,豈不陷入萬劫不復的悲慘境地?二,王永慶先生在台灣經營數十年,對台灣產業及製造就業機會固有極大貢獻,但王先生能有今日之地位與成就,亦應感謝台灣這塊土地與人民對他的恩惠。今日台灣工資提高,產業競爭力趨弱,他就聲言出走,姑不論「回饋」之說,即使為了員工的工作權,亦應有愧於心吧!

  依據非正式統計,台資流向中國約有一千億美元之鉅,再從去年中國的電子產品產值已躍居世界第三,但其中卻有百分之七十幾是出自台資企業,可見在兩岸經貿交流中,只存在台灣對中國的依賴度日益提昇,對中國過度投資,導致台灣本身產業空洞化、資金枯竭化的危機,與「錢進中國、債留台灣」的負面衝擊,而絕對沒有台灣對中國投資太少、太嚴的問題。台商對中國投資,說好聽是生產部門移往中國,而研發、設計、總部則根留台灣,但是研發部門能僱用多少勞動力,這是大家心知肚明的。而生產部門一旦外移,勢必造成大量失業人口,台灣的失業問題當然更加無法改善了。而所謂的根留台灣也是一種自我安慰之辭,據統計,至去年第三季,上市上櫃公司匯向中國約一二二八億美元,但僅匯回八億美元,非僅如此,不少企業將大筆資金匯往中國,卻在台灣要求政府紓困,「錢進中國、債留台灣」已成為掏空台灣的一種惡質經營手法。

  民進黨立院黨團批評王永慶的說法「相當可笑」,純粹是從個人商業利益考量,罔顧國家利益。我們不願相信王永慶會因個人商業利益,置國家全民利益於不顧。但是王永慶長期以來有關「一中」與反「戒急用忍」的說法,卻一再暴露出邏輯不通、立論偏頗、似是而非的觀念,令人不能不嚴予駁斥。台灣現階段的政經發展,確實面臨嚴峻的考驗,這種考驗並不是不能克服,但是最令人憂心的,乃是少數人一再散播一種謬論,讓社會大眾誤以為只要「三通」、「取消戒急用忍」、接受「一個中國」,所有的問題就可以迎刃而解。這種謬論可能讓台灣走上錯誤的歧路,它的流行其實才是台灣的最大危機。

 

  Washington Post的報導,就暗示李登輝站出來為阿扁講話,是要破解中共統戰反扁的陰謀,台灣中共派的立委太多,其行為已經到了公然無忌的態度,而台灣人之不知不覺亦是媒體暴力造成的隱憂,台灣人民已經在刻意打壓阿扁的非經濟因素下,造成急速下降的景氣失調中,喪失捍衛民主自由的勇氣。李登輝是以台灣民主自由為信念的堅強老者,管他什麼黨,理念的結合為保台第一要務。Washington Post揭發中共的計倆,亦是道德勇氣的表現,台灣的媒體要自省啦!

China Dealt a Blow on Taiwan

Taiwanese Ex-President Bolts Party to Back Chen

By Philip P. Pan
Washington Post Foreign Service
Monday, June 18, 2001; 1:37 PM

BEIJING, June 18--China's dream of a strong, pro-unification political bloc emerging in Taiwan suffered a serious setback over the weekend when the island's influential former president signaled a break with his own party to support President Chen Shui-bian, who once advocated Taiwanese independence.

For months, the Chinese government has tried to isolate Chen by courting his rivals, and it has been counting on the opposition Nationalist and People First parties to strengthen their grip on Taiwan's parliament and oust Chen or force him to adopt more favorable policies toward the mainland.

But that strategy is in trouble now that former President Lee Teng-hui, who led the Nationalist Party for more than cade, has all but confirmed he will abandon the party and throw his support - and that of his many followers - behind Chen's Democratic Progressive Party during the legislative elections in December.

At a meeting of a pro-independence academic group on Saturday, Lee and Chen made their first joint public appearance since Chen took office. Lee delivered a speech calling for "the birth of a new Taiwan." Then, before a cheering crowd, the two men clasped their hands and raised them over their heads in a common Taiwanese campaign gesture.

The image was plastered on the front pages of several Taiwanese newspapers and shown repeatedly on the island's 24-hour cable news channels, and a possible "Lee-Bian" alliance is the talk of Taiwan now. "Political Focus Remains on Lee," read one large headline in Taipei today, while another writer described the development as "dazzling and dramatic."

Lee has declined to discuss his intentions, but he has endorsed two biographies published in Taiwan this month that make clear his disdain for Nationalist Party chief Lien Chan and People First leader James Soong. Chen wrote the preface for one of the books. In addition, a former cabinet member and Lee loyalist has been quoted telling reporters that several Nationalist lawmakers intend to quit and form a new political party with Lee.

Lee, 78, remains popular among many Taiwan residents, particularly ethnic Taiwanese in the island's south. His defection could reshape Taiwan's political landscape, strengthening Chen's embattled presidency and weakening the Nationalists, who ruled the island for more than 50 years before Chen was elected last year.

It could also further polarize public opinion in Taiwan over whether the democratic, self-governing island should move toward unification with or greater independence from China, which considers Taiwan part of its territory. Lee and Chen have advocated a go-slow approach to unification talks, while Lien and Soong have urged closer ties with Beijing.

"This is the beginning of an active political realignment in Taiwan, and this realignment will create more divergence between mainland factions and Taiwanese factions," said Andrew Yang, secretary-general of the Chinese Council of Advanced Policy Studies, a think tank in Taipei. "The process is a dangerous one, because it may induce Beijing to think it's impossible for them to take Taiwan back peacefully."

If China concludes its strategy to isolate Chen has failed and sees him gaining strength because of Lee's support, it may give up on a political solution and focus on its military options to recover the island, Yang said.

But he said China will probably wait for the results of the December elections before reevaluating its Taiwan strategy.


  Washington Post於June 18, 2001的報導中,更明白阿扁受統派圍攻與孤立的現象,李登輝的適時挺扁是自然的現象,台灣的政黨是否夠成熟,還是為反對而反對,必須反省懺悔。

Political Shift on Taiwan Hurts China's Unification Push

By Philip P. Pan
Washington Post Foreign Service
Tuesday, June 19, 2001; Page A14

BEIJING, June 18 -- Taiwan's former president has broken with his own party to support President Chen Shui-bian, dealing a serious blow to China's dream of fostering a strong pro-unification political bloc on the island.

The Chinese government has tried for months to isolate Chen, who before taking office had advocated Taiwanese independence. It has been courting in particular the opposition Nationalist and People First parties, hoping they will strengthen their grip on Taiwan's parliament and oust Chen, or force him to adopt more favorable policies toward the mainland.

But that strategy is in trouble now that former president Lee Teng-hui, who led the Nationalist Party for more than decade, has all but confirmed he will abandon the party and throw his support -- and that of his many followers -- behind Chen's Democratic Progressive Party during legislative elections in December.

At a meeting of a pro-independence academic group on Saturday, Lee and Chen made their first joint public appearance since Chen took office last year. Lee delivered a speech calling for "the birth of a new Taiwan." Then, before a cheering crowd, the two men clasped their hands and raised them over their heads.

Lee has declined to discuss his intentions, but he has endorsed two biographies published in Taiwan this month that make clear his disdain for Nationalist Party chief Lien Chan and People First leader James Soong. Chen wrote the preface for one of the books. In addition, a former cabinet member and Lee loyalist has been quoted telling reporters that several Nationalist lawmakers intend to quit and form a new political party with Lee.

Lee, 78, remains popular among many Taiwan residents, particularly ethnic Taiwanese in the island's south. His defection could reshape Taiwan's political landscape, strengthening Chen's embattled presidency and weakening the Nationalists, who ruled the island for more than 50 years before Chen was elected.

It could also further polarize public opinion in Taiwan over whether the democratic, self-governing island should move toward unification with or greater independence from China, which considers Taiwan part of its territory. Lee and Chen have advocated a go-slow approach to unification talks, while Lien and Soong have urged closer ties with Beijing.

"This is the beginning of an active political realignment in Taiwan, and this realignment will create more divergence between mainland factions and Taiwanese factions," said Andrew Yang, secretary general of the Chinese Council of Advanced Policy Studies, a research group in Taipei. "The process is a dangerous one, because it may induce Beijing to think it's impossible for them to take Taiwan back peacefully."

If China concludes that its strategy to isolate Chen has failed and sees him gaining strength because of Lee's support, it may give up on a political solution and focus on its military options to recover the island, Yang said. But he said China will probably wait for the results of the December elections before reevaluating its Taiwan strategy.

 


  愛國者飛彈是捍衛台灣民主的利器之一,若沒有美國的撐腰,台灣必然快速淪亡,成為繼西藏之後的喪邦。何不聽聽真正受害者的心聲,他們才能講真話,六四之後,不是有批中國民主改革的流亡學生,他們怎麼說?台灣人確保台灣基地,要與中共平起平坐,和平談判,靠的是台灣有強大的武力做後盾。這種道理淺而易懂,誰能反對?真看看CNN的報導:

Taiwan fires missiles

June 20, 2001 Posted: 5:36 PM HKT (0936 GMT)

TAIPEI, Taiwan -- Taiwan's military says it has successfully test-fired three U.S.-made patriot missiles.

In the first of a battery of trials, a private television station said Taiwan fired the missiles from a base in south Taiwan's Pingtung county.

This show of strength comes as China conducts war games at nearby Beijing-held Dongshan Island.

While China and Taiwan routinely carry out military drills, the tests are likely to inflame tensions between the two.

Taiwan split from China in 1949 and China considers the island a renegade province that must be reunited with the mainland.

Beijing opposes any sales of American weapons or weapon systems to the island.

But the testing comes in the wake of the United States signing off its largest arms deal with Taiwan in years.

Targets

In Wednesday's test, the first fired on Taiwanese soil, one missile downed a dummy target over the island's southeastern coast, according to media reports.

Television footage showed exhaust trails from a Patriot and the missile it was fired to intercept.

Eastern cable TV said the missile hit another fired from a mountain in southeastern Taitung County.

The military fired two other missiles as well but they were not aimed at dummy targets, the report said.

Bolster defense

The United States has supplied Taiwan with three batteries of Patriot missiles -- 200 in all -- designed to boost the island's defense against the growing number of missiles deployed on the Chinese side of the Taiwan Strait.

Taiwan officials would not disclose the exact time or place of the missile tests, saying only that they will happen this week.

Taipei has downplayed the significance of testing the missiles this week, even as the Chinese People's Liberation Army conducts one of its largest war games in year across the Taiwan Strait.

They said the tests had been planned for some time and that the timing was simply a coincidence.

Missile attack

The tests underscore Taiwan's determination to bolster its abilities to protect itself against a missile attack from the mainland.

A spokesman with the Chinese Foreign Ministry has said any attempt to oppose reunification by force of arms would fail.

While Taiwan had asked the United States for a more advanced version of the Patriot missile, the Bush administration turned down the request.

The latest deal included Kidd-class destroyers, eight diesel submarines, and a dozen P-3 anti-submarine aircraft.

Senior Asian correspondent Mike Chinoy contributed to this report

 

  老外看得起台灣為民主自由投注的心力,在台灣卻有一批投降者,響應中共說辭,現在這些人在民主自由的保護下,已經語無倫次,胡說八道,且看看老共批判,愛國者試射之事,而中共 M 族飛彈又如何呢?

2001.06.20/中時電子報謝憲昌台北報導

中共:台灣試射愛國者導彈只會加劇台海緊張

  新華社報導,台灣軍方今天上午在台灣屏東縣九鵬基地試射"愛國者"飛彈,大陸有關人士認為,台灣當局此舉將加劇台海的緊張局勢。中國的統一決非台灣當局購進和部署幾件先進武器就能阻擋得了的。

  對台灣試射飛彈,中國社會科學院台灣研究所副所長余克禮認為,台灣當局近來不僅購買大量先進武器,且還針對大陸加緊進行部署,其挾洋恃武、對抗統一的用心昭然若揭。他表示,中國的統一是無法逆轉的歷史大勢,決非靠幾件先進武器就能夠阻擋得了的,台灣當局此舉只會加劇台海的緊張局勢。他表示,台灣當局的一些人應認清形勢,不要甘為他人"馬前卒",將台灣拖入危險境地。 軍事科學院戰略研究部研究員羅源表示,歷史和事實都已證明,戰爭的勝負不是靠一兩件新式武器決定的。面對少數"台獨"分子的挑釁,解放軍有決心也有能力捍衛國家的統一。他認為,台灣當局因幾件洋武器而心存僥幸,進而公開挑戰兩岸的和平,這樣做的後果可以說是不堪設想的。他表示,花錢並不能給台灣買到真正的安全,只有承認一個中國的原則,走兩岸和平統一的道路,才是台灣的唯一前途。

 

  我們以為中共要求台灣不要飛彈,台灣亦可要求中共放棄核彈、M族飛彈、洲際飛彈、中子彈、光子彈…,好多好多的蛋。

  美國人講話了!

2001.06.16/中央社特派記者曾淳良華盛頓十五日電

美智庫指兩岸復談責任在北京中共應尊重阿扁

  與布希總統關係密切的美國知名智庫「傳統基金會」亞洲政策中心主任伍爾澤 (Larry Wortzel) 十五日指出,台海兩岸復談的責任在北京,北京應該尊重台灣的民選元首,也就是陳水扁總統,並且必須直接向台灣表達善意,而不是繞過台灣「向華府強迫或勒索」。

  伍爾澤說,中共領導人一向喜歡用威脅軍演的手段來威脅美國與台灣,過去柯林頓政府在這樣的情況下,通常都會派遣一個相當高層的官員到大陸去安撫中共,不過布希政府的作法正好相反,如果中共的態度愈強烈,美方派到大陸處理的官員層級就會愈低,美國和中共的關係也就會愈冷淡。

  他說,美國國會對台灣的支持相當廣泛,包括台灣人民自決的權利以及兩岸終局必須要得到台灣兩千三百萬人民的同意等,他強調,和平解決兩岸問題是「三個公報」的基礎,同時也是「台灣關係法」最重要的目標,但是如果中共不用和平方式解決兩岸問題,則「三個公報」的目的就會被破壞。

  伍爾澤比較美國新舊政府的政策時表示,過去柯林頓政府視台灣為「麻煩製造者」,美方要求台灣「對主權獨立的堅持」做讓步,卻完全不見北京對台灣的主權做讓步,這樣的結果讓北京認為,北京應該與美國談判,而不是與台北談判,結果證實是失敗的。

  伍爾澤說,布希總統認為中共才是麻煩製造者,因此亞太助卿凱利才在國會聽證會時表示,美國政府認為對台軍售不會降低兩岸對話的機會,反而會增加兩岸復談的機會,讓台灣有更多的自信,美國相信中共應該要相信台灣人民民選的代表,也就是台灣的陳水扁總統,而且應該鼓勵中共向台灣的政府與人民提出訴求。

  他表示,他要向台灣重申凱利的話,那就是中共必須要試著向台灣的民選領導人、也就是陳水扁總統以及他所屬的民進黨提出訴求,創造可以對談的誘因或利基,他強調,「北京應該改成向台灣進行接觸,而停止向華府勒索或要脅」。

  行政院大陸委員會副主委林中斌帶領台灣記者「美國智庫訪問團」十五日繼續拜會美國「傳統基金會」,伍爾澤在與台灣記者座談時作以上表示。