Chapter 86
 
 
美國政策錯誤
導致中共坐大 削弱亞洲民主國


 

  這篇美國傳統基金會寄來的“南亞優先論”,談到幾個重點。

  1. 美國於柯林頓政府以來,協助中共發展經濟,而中共亦善於運作美方給予的優惠與資源,使得中共成為區域性強權。
  2. 柯林頓政府對中方的讓步與友善,未能促使中共快速邁向民主化,反而背道而行。
  3. 亞洲民主國成為政、經相對弱勢,美國不能坐視此一結果。
  4. 中共積極擴張海域與軍備,並聯合利益相同各國挑戰美國的活動,日見加強。
  5. 美國必須在人權、限武與區域安全做調整。
  6. 美國對亞洲國家,如澳洲、紐西蘭、菲律賓、泰國...予以商業、經濟、貿易上的方便,以平衡中共超強姿態,吸光亞洲資源,而成為非民主國之霸權。

  參考以下文件:

Priorities for Southeast Asian Policy

Dana R. Dillon
May 10, 2001
The Heritage Foundation

From security challenges posed by China to maritime piracy and international trade, Southeast Asia plays an increasingly prominent role in U.S. foreign policy decisionmaking. Today, after eight years of misplaced Clinton Administration policy accompanied by a precipitous economic decline in a number of Southeast Asian states, regional security is threatened by the overall erosion of political stability and ongoing maritime border disputes in the South China Sea. A new U.S. policy toward
the region is needed. President Bush should craft a policy that focuses on strengthening the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), protecting freedom of navigation, and fostering further economic development.

ASEAN's Role. During the Cold War, ASEAN had a pivotal role in protecting this region--an important trade route--from confrontation between the United States and the Soviet Union. Member states developed rapidly, both economically and politically, and ASEAN became Asia's most important regional organization and an asset to U.S. interests.

Since the end of the Cold War, however, ASEAN has drifted toward impotence. Its rapid expansion from six market-oriented countries to 10 members--including pariah socialist nations like Burma and Laos--diluted internal cohesion, and the reluctance of the United States, Japan, and the European Union to share a table with such regimes has weakened ASEAN's utility as a multilateral forum. China, viewing a strong ASEAN as an obstacle to its ambitions, works to dominate and neutralize it, preferring bilateral negotiations in which it enjoys a clear advantage because of its size and using meetings like the ASEAN Regional Forum to veto issues it opposes. If America and China enter a period of increased competition, the South China Sea could become a focus of tension. A strong, independent, and prosperous ASEAN is therefore important for U.S. national security interests.

Territorial Disputes. Beijing defines its maritime border to encompass the entire South China Sea, extending hundreds of miles beyond its internationally recognized sovereign territory and exclusive economic zone (EEZ) to the coasts of the Philippines, Malaysia, Brunei, and Indonesia, and down Vietnam's eastern coast. This expansive interpretation violates the letter and spirit of the 1982 U.N. Convention on the Law of the Sea, of which China is a signatory. Moreover, China's penchant for using unilateral force to resolve border disputes in its favor has militarized the issue. Consequently, the ASEAN claimant countries have garrisoned virtually every rock and reef in the South China Sea against further Chinese encroachment.

The Clinton Administration remained neutral toward China's territorial transgressions in Southeast Asia, even failing to criticize China's most aggressive actions. But such actions should not be ignored; they are an explicit threat to freedom of navigation, corrosive to the integrity of international law, and inimical to regional peace. Failure to resolve Southeast Asia's maritime boundary disputes will hinder the development of seabed resources, the regulation of fishing, and the control of maritime piracy. Resolution of these disputes is in America's best interests, but if China remains an obstacle, the United States must make clear that it will strongly oppose any further unilateral military moves.

Weak Economies. Southeast Asia has not yet fully recovered from the 1997 financial crisis. Indonesia, the largest ASEAN state, has done little to reform its economy, and reform efforts in other Asian countries have slowed. Because of this political turmoil and resistance to reform, International Monetary Fund and World Bank prescriptions will have limited impact. On the bright side, Singapore has initiated a new round of free trade agreements with other countries around the world, and its efforts should serve as a model for U.S.-backed efforts to revitalize Southeast Asia. Though repeated demands for reform by international financial institutions have had little effect on the politically beleaguered Asian governments, the demonstrated successes of countries like Singapore, which have willingly reduced their trade barriers, should forge a trail for slower developing countries to follow.

U.S. Support. The United States can best enhance the role ASEAN plays in the development and security of Southeast Asia by:

Actively supporting ASEAN's independent status. To balance the pressure China exerts on the ASEAN states, the United States should participate in all ASEAN-sponsored meetings on economic, political, and military issues, including those attended by pariah states. U.S. attendance at military seminars and functions at which Burmese or Indonesian officers are present, far from representing any condoning of their behavior, would demonstrate to America's friends and allies that Southeast Asia is important to the United States.

Making it clear that attempting to settle maritime disputes by force threatens regional stability. Even if the United States takes no position on the merits of individual claims in the South China Sea, it should make it clear that disputes should be settled peacefully and that it will not tolerate any disruption of the freedom of navigation. Washington should also support the building of military coalitions within ASEAN to resist Chinese encroachment.

Reactivating a multilateral process to resolve maritime disputes. In the past, Indonesia initiated a process to resolve maritime border disputes that Washington all but ignored. The United States should make it known that, with or without China's approval, it will support a consensus ASEAN resolution to resolve maritime disputes. Until such a proposal is ready, Washington should insist that the issue of South China Sea border disputes be added to the agenda of the next ASEAN Regional Forum meeting in July.

Expanding regional trade. The United States is negotiating a free trade agreement with Singapore that, along with its bilateral trade agreement with Vietnam, will encourage regional economic liberalization. Washington should expand the free trade umbrella in Southeast Asia to include Australia, New Zealand, Thailand, the Philippines, and other countries willing to take concrete steps to eliminate trade restrictions.

A politically stable, territorially secure, and prosperous Southeast Asia critical to U.S. interests in the Asia-Pacific region can best be achieved through U.S. involvement in an effective ASEAN.

--Dana R. Dillon is a Policy Analyst on Southeast Asia in the Asian Studies Center at The Heritage Foundation.


  美傳統基金會的說法與李登輝先生於台北的演說異曲同工之妙,請參讀!

 

2001.07.10╱自由電子報記者鄒景雯台北報導

李登輝:美應協助我經濟發展

  李登輝前總統昨日指出,從全球經濟戰略的角度,美國應該協助台灣經濟發展,鞏固台灣為國際在亞洲的自由貿易基地,避免中國大陸採取任何經濟策略拖垮台灣,這才符合自由世界的共同利益。

  李前總統同時強調,「陳水扁是人民選出來的總統,只要選出來就是台灣的領導人,大家都要幫忙」,讓他能夠有機會實現理念與抱負,如此國家才會有前途;而身處國內、外的中華民國人民,都要對台灣有信心,和台灣一起拚兩年,現在美國經濟不好,等待國際景氣好轉,台灣一定可以再創經濟高峰。

  李前總統昨日是在大溪住所會晤十餘位立委參選人時,做上述發言。包括屏東慈惠醫護專校校長藍群傑、高雄市議員羅志明、台大財金系教授黃達業等博士級候選人都在座。

  李前總統並表示,這次再次訪問康乃爾大學,國內多個高科技廠商支持成立李登輝研究中心就奈米進行研究,未來一旦成功,將對半導體產業產生革命性的影響,這也是美國第一個以此為研究的大學。

  李登輝話鋒一轉說,現在不少廠商只因人力、土地便宜,即熱中前往大陸,不從長遠的利益著眼,他感到十分憂慮,對台灣整體經濟而言,提升技術與先進國家一同進步,才是企業永續的正途。

  李前總統因此認為,美國在自由貿易制度下,應該調整對台灣的經濟戰略,將台灣視為民主基地,鞏固並協助台灣的經濟發展,唯有如此,方可有效避免中國以經濟策略來拖垮台灣。

  李前總統指出,六月份,台灣綜合研究院曾經舉辦台灣戰略地位學術研討會,這是站在國安軍事的角度,基於上述看法,台綜院計畫在七月二十日再舉辦台灣經濟走向討論會,希望從經濟戰略出發,鼓吹美國應該協助台灣經濟,以確保自由貿易的基地。

 李前總統說,自由與民主是台灣對抗中國併吞的利器,因此自由與民主一定要堅持下去,台灣就是靠這兩個。


  台灣貿易國際化是健康的作法,若必須進軍中國,則必須挾帶美國或中共建交的各國,以合資的方式,正式投資大陸,若以現階段的台商自謀生存,以特例特權方式投資中國,未來於法理方面,絕對是輸家。