Trade
on June 27, 2004 Trade
remains first `weapon' for China DISINCENTIVES:
Commentators argue that Beijing is moving away from the use of economic carrots
and toward using a bit more stick to bring Taiwan into line China's threats to place
economic sanctions on Taiwan are part of a strategy to divide and conquer, but
will only be realized if Taiwan moves closer to independence, analysts say. "This is part of a traditional united-front strategy to use the
business community to surround the government and to mobilize the people to
exert pressure on the independence forces," said Joseph Cheng , a China
expert at the City University of Hong Kong. China employed the strategy in reverse throughout the 1990s, offering
lucrative economic incentives to Taiwanese businesses in the belief that the
more investment flowed from Taiwan, the greater the possibility of
reunification, he said. Similar tactics were also widely used to smooth over Hong Kong's handover
to China in 1997. But with the re-election of President Chen Shui-bian in March, China has
apparently decided it must now use disincentives to attract support for
reunification. In the last week, a number of Beijing academics have been calling for
economic sanctions to be put in place against Taiwanese independence forces. The
government has said that investment from pro-independence businessmen is not
welcome. Wang Jianmin , a Taiwan specialist at the Chinese Academy of Social
Sciences, said that if economic sanctions against Taiwan were imposed, they
would involve limiting or even banning imports. "Taiwan's overseas trade sector would be the first to suffer and see a
one-third drop in its exports, then the manufacturing and production sector
would be hit, causing mass shutdowns among these firms and a major economic
recession," he was quoted as saying by the state-run China Daily. When contacted by reporters, Wang refused to detail what specific legal
measures Beijing could use to impose such economic sanctions, nor whether it
would invoke state security laws to achieve its goal. "It is still not clear what the mainland plans to do, but it is likely
to be calibrated to the actual situation," Cheng said. "If Chen Shui-bian moves closer toward independence, they will step up
the pressure and maybe attack suspect Taiwan businessmen, but if he backs down
then things will probably go on as normal," he said. Taiwan has been a major engine of China's economic growth with over US$70
billion invested in the Chinese economy. Indirect trade between Taiwan and China rose 23.8 percent year-on-year to
US$46.32 billion last year. After naming suspect businessmen and companies, Beijing would probably seek
to influence their share prices through attacks in the media, Cheng said. "China would also refuse to approve any investment projects on the
mainland by any suspect companies," he said. China, though, would probably avoid confiscating investment or arresting
suspect Taiwanese investors under its murky state security laws, which are
routinely used to jail political dissidents and suspected separatists. "They won't use arrests or jailing under the national security laws,
because that would be just too scary and the reaction in Taiwan would make such
moves counter-productive," Cheng said. China has a history of using economic sanctions in political disputes,
including unannounced sanctions against French companies following the sale of
Mirage fighter jets to Taiwan in the early 1990s. In recent years, both Credit Suisse First Boston and Japan's Matsushita
have been temporarily blacklisted for falling foul of Beijing's Taiwan policy. Trading house Jardine Matheson was long out of favor with China over its
support for democratic reform in Hong Kong during the lead-up to the 1997
transfer of power.
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