Negotiations
on July 31, 2004 Negotiations
under threat: Chiu UNIFICATION
LAW: The Mainland Affairs Council said that China's attempt to legislate the
annexation of Taiwan would send the wrong message to the world Beijing would significantly curtail the possibility of cross-strait
negotiations if it insists on a unification law with Taiwan, the Mainland
Affairs Council said yesterday. "China will encounter a certain degree of restriction and difficulty
if it tries to place Taiwan policy within a legal framework. It would lose a
great deal of flexibility," said council Chairman Chiu Tai-san at a press
conference. Chiu's was responding to comments by Wang Zaixi, vice minister of China's
Taiwan Affairs Office, who said on Thursday that Beijing was "seriously
considering creating a unification law" at a cross-strait forum in Hangzhou.
"If China must produce such a law, it has to take into account the
international community's expectations that cross-strait problems can be solved
by peaceful means," Chiu said. Beijing would face unexpected difficulties if it implemented the
unification law, Chiu added. Wang said that China had not set a 20-year timetable to unify Taiwan. However, he warned that Bei-jing would not rule out war if President Chen
Shui-bian pursued his plan to adopt a new constitution by 2008. "New tensions may arise and even a serious crisis in the cross-strait
situation if Chen obstinately pursues his timetable," Wang said in a
front-page interview with the China Daily published yesterday. "We cannot completely rule out the possibility [of a military
conflict] though it is not at all what we hope for," Wang said. Wang added that the cross-strait political stalemate would continue during
Chen's second term unless he accepted the "one China" principle. "It would be hard for both sides to break the present political
stalemate in the short term," he said. "There will be no way for us to break the ice in political ties in the
coming four years unless Chen returns to the one-China principle. What we can do
is just work hard to prevent bilateral relations from deteriorating," he
said. Wang said that Taiwan's security depended on how Chen deals with the
"one China" principle rather than whether he bought more aircraft and
missiles from the US. Chiu said that the council was monitoring Beijing's media, psychological
and legal campaigns to bring about unification. A unification law would be part
of the legal campaign, he added. Chen, who has said on numerous occasions that constitutional reform would
focus on the structure of government, said during a trip to the south of the
nation on Thursday that China was attempting to lay a legal foundation for it to
use force against the nation. "Taiwan's status is defined as a `special administrative region' in
Beijing's draft of the unification law. Is it right for Beijing to do
this?" he asked. "I am very concerned about the unification law ... Can our 23 million
people remain unwary of this situation?" he asked. Chen added that nearly 500,000 Hong Kong residents had taken to the street
to protest against Article 23 of Hong Kong's Basic Law, an anti-subversion law,
on July 1, 2003. Taiwan
and Singapore need an FTA By
Chao Wen-heng Two foreign figures who are vital to the nation's trade and economic
relations recently visited Taiwan -- one being Singaporean Deputy Prime Minister
Lee Hsien Loong and the other assistant US Trade Representative Charles Freeman.
They came to Taiwan with totally different views about the signing of free trade
agreements (FTA) with the nation. Freeman reiterated the US's lack of interest in signing such a pact, while
Lee showed Singapore's consistent interest in a deal. As the nation is seeking
FTA partners, the discrepancy in the two visitors' attitudes provides us new
ways of looking at the issue.
Some believe that Taiwan's search for FTA partners is politically
motivated. I don't think this is an accurate observation. As a country highly
dependent on foreign trade, Taiwan realizes that its economic development may
suffer as a result of FTAs' being signed by nations that compete with it in
trade. Therefore, seeking FTA partners is a defensive mechanism. As it is
getting increasingly difficult to secure FTA partners, and trade competitors are
seeking such deals more aggressively, the motivation to enter into such pacts is
even stronger. This, together with stalled progress in the WTO, should give the
country a sense of urgency to seek FTA deals. Singapore is one of the few countries that has shown a keen interest in
signing an FTA with Taiwan and has been working toward achieving it. However,
faced with interference from China, Singapore said that it opted not to be the
first country to sign an FTA with Taiwan. It is interesting that Beijing is
attempting to prevent Taiwan from signing FTAs. According to Shi Guangsheng, China's minister of Foreign Trade and Economic
Cooperation, Beijing is determined to oppose any FTA talks between Taipei and
countries with which Beijing has formal diplomatic relations. It is Beijing's
view that Taipei is using the FTA talks as a means to move toward independence.
I don't understand this logic since FTAs are only a commitment to lower tariffs.
If there were no cross-strait issues, Taiwan, like many other countries, would
still seek FTA possibilities, as they are critical to the survival of a
trade-oriented economy. Despite its opposition to Taipei forging FTAs with other countries, Beijing
itself is interested in signing the Closer Economic Partnership Arrangement (CEPA)
with Taiwan. This is another intriguing phenomenon. Though both China and
Singapore are highly interested in signing an FTA or CEPA with Taiwan, both
initiatives may fail for various reasons. The Singapore-Taiwan FTA may not go
through as a result of Beijing's interference as mentioned above. The CEPA with
Taiwan may not materialize because Taiwan still has concerns over the
"magnet effect" of China. Many countries other than Taiwan have concerns over signing FTAs with China
because it represents not only a vast market but also a competitor. The
uncertainty of the implication of signing an FTA with China is too high.
Besides, if Taiwan signs an FTA with China and the latter does not allow Taiwan
to sign FTAs with other countries, then it would be a closed free-trade area and
Taiwan's trade and economic relations would be limited to this area. In view of the keen interest in achieving FTAs linking Taiwan, China and
Singapore, there is a compromise that makes it possible for the three countries
to sign FTAs with each other, especially as each has an interest in signing with
at least one of the others. Beijing does not like a Singapore-Taiwan FTA probably because it is afraid
that such a pact will further alienate Taiwan from China. But how about the idea
of China also being part of such an FTA? If Taiwan is reluctant to sign FTA with
China because of the "magnet effect," how about signing a deal with
Hong Kong? Signing an FTA with Hong Kong could partly eliminate the "magnet
effect" for Taiwan. At the same time, as Hong Kong is part of China, a Hong
Kong-Taiwan FTA would also show a certain degree of economic integration between
Taiwan and China. Then, Hong Kong could act as a model for China to sign FTAs with other
countries. This would also benefit Hong Kong as an international hub. Besides, for Singapore, signing an FTA with Taiwan and Hong Kong means
establishing free trade relations with the two important trade partners outside
the framework of ASEAN, a move that will help it become a center of free trade. Based on the above, I recommend inviting Hong Kong to join a
Taiwan-Singapore free trade agreement, thus forming a Hong Kong-Taiwan-Singapore
free trade area. Such a move would also make Hong Kong a buffer zone for the
economic integration of "greater China." Besides, the negotiations
among Hong Kong, Singapore and Taiwan would be more feasible as they would be
less likely to touch upon sovereignty disputes. Chao
Wen-heng is an associate research fellow at the Taiwan Institute of Economic
Research and holds a doctorate in international politics and economics from the
University of Maryland. Translated
by Jennie Shih
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