US-Taiwan ties on Aug 02, 2004

DPP faces challenges, experts say

`DEGREE OF HYPOCRISY': The emergence of new groups, such as the Taiwan Democracy School, has highlighted a weakness of the ruling party, pundits say
STAFF WRITER
 

More than four years of DPP rule has revealed a certain degree of hypocrisy, and the emergence of the Taiwan Democracy School is just one indicator of how the DPP's traditional righteous image is collapsing, pundits have warned.

Yao Jen-to, an assistant professor of sociology at National Tsing Hua University, pointed out that the main reason the DPP attracted young voters when it was still in opposition, was its emphasis on social justice.

"As a ruling party, the DPP still often regards itself as the party closest to young voters. But when viewing the voter structure, the reality is just the opposite," he said.

Yao made the remarks during a symposium held by the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) for young party members and professionals on Saturday at the GIS International Convention Center at National Taiwan University.

Yao also said that while the DPP's traditional righteous image is collapsing, it may instead be transferred to the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT), the nation's largest opposition party.

After the presidential election, Yao said that the DPP has appointed more young leaders than any other political party, but that this may be a false impression because many of these leaders have a background either in family or factional politics, or are media personalities parachuting into politics.

Yao said that in order to persuade young voters to support the DPP, it should start with policy reform, such as the military recruitment system, education, and employment, rather than by launching dance parties.

According to an analysis by Hsu Yung-ming, an assistant researcher with Academia Sinica, presented at the symposium, the trend towards younger party leadership has been planned by President Chen Shui-bian.

The reason is that the DPP enjoys stable support among older voters but not from the 30 to 49 age group.

The analysis also showed that the DPP's young leaders are concerned that if the DPP's public policy is shaped to attract older voters, it may suppress the opinions of young voters; thus, it can affect DPP's political advocacy and lead to worries among young leaders.

In response to the two pundits' theories, Lee Ying-yuan, the DPP's deputy secretary-general, replied that the DPP does not suppress dissenting opinion, and that sometimes young legislators say things that do not toe the party line; this keeps the DPP from becoming corrupt.

Lee said that the DPP administration with be under less pressure during the coming four years, and that the party would accept supervision and consider and review any criticism aimed at it.

Lee also said that the DPP is celebrating its 18th anniversary this September, which signifies its transformation from a youngster to an adult, and that a maturing DPP should clearly plan its path and consider what it can provide the younger generation with and how to communicate with the world about what Taiwan is.

Soong and Lien blind to political situation

By Chin Heng-wei

As soon as he came back from his one-month trip abroad, People First Party (PFP) Chairman James Soong visited Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) Chairman Lien Chan.

They harped on the same old tune of combining their two parties.

This shows that Soong simply doesn't get it and that his way of thinking is obsolete.

Though the two party leaders met and decided to work together for the presidential election only a year and five months ago, the circumstances now are different.

Lien is no longer as powerful as he was; neither is the PFP.

Back then, Lien possessed such enormous power and financial resources that no one could challenge him, and the PFP had not yet begun to decline.

Thus as soon as Lien and Soong held their private talk, a merger between the two parties should have been a done deal.

At that time, the leadership in the pan-blue alliance was invincible.

Now, Lien is nothing more than a rubber stamp.

Though he kept his post as KMT chairman after he lost the presidential election, he will have to step down following the legislative election at the end of this year.

In the meantime, the PFP has lost momentum because of the sliding popularity of Soong.

Therefore, Lien and Soong were indulging in self-delusion by holding a private meeting again, since they are no longer in a position to make any policies or merger deals.

Even if they did, these policies and deals would likely be ineffective.

KMT Vice Chairman Wang Jin-pyng is more influential. His comment that "it's not a good time for the two parties to talk about a merger" was a slap in the face for Lien and Soong.

In Wang's view, there is no point in even talking about a merger, let alone forming one.

Wang's comment made Lien's rubber-stamp status obvious. Lien doesn't even have a say in his party. If Soong didn't know this, then he was simply incapable of assessing the situation.

He probably thought that nothing had changed over the past year and that he could still control the KMT by allying with Lien. That's how outmoded his thinking is.

The most powerful figure in the KMT now appears to be Wang. Not daring to challenge him, Lien goes along with what he says.

During a visit to former president Lee Teng-hui (李登輝), Wang publicly said that "there is no need to cut the support one can get" during his pursuit of the legislative speakership.

Obviously, he said this to please Lee.

In an interview with a Hong Kong radio station, Lien didn't criticize Wang at all; on the contrary, he played up to him by saying that "in Wang's view, the KMT has to get as much support as it can."

And when he says "support" he's referring to former president Lee.

But since Lien already publicly denounced Lee and cut all ties with him, why did he suddenly welcome Lee's support?

Even though far away on a visit to New York, Wang made comments to express his gratitude to Lee.

Though he likely did not intend to embarrass Lien, clearly in his eyes the former chairman far overshadows the current one.

Now Soong can only bluff Lien. Lien lost his power and Soong is at his wit's end.

The sad thing is that these two out-of-date figures still do not understand and appreciate political reality.

They are not as smart and calculating as we once thought.

Chin Heng-wei is editor-in-chief of Contemporary Monthly magazine.

Translated by Jennie Shih

Forge unity through good faith

At a celebration of the 20th anniversary of the New Tide faction of the Democratic Progressive Party on Saturday, a number of faction members spoke out on the need to reach out to Mainlanders.

Liang Wen-chieh made the interesting observation that the country's much talked-of ethnic problem is really no such thing, but rather a political disagreement stemming from a confusion over national identity. Another faction member, Professor Lee Chien-hung, said that the faction -- and by extension, the pan-green movement as a whole -- needed to reach out to Mainlanders with a greater acknowledgement of the value and importance of their cultural symbols and political beliefs.

That the faction is considering these questions should stem the too often heard claim that the DPP is committed to manipulating the ethnic question to win elections. It is the pan-blues, trading on fears of the "ethnic" minorities, that have always been the most resolute practitioners of that electoral black art.

But we should welcome the debate that New Tide, hopefully, has opened -- it very seriously needs to be held. We assume that, resent the Mainlanders as they might for their 50-year ascendency, the majority of pan-greens do not advocate ethnic cleansing, ie, the forcible expulsion of Mainlanders to China. Indeed it is much to Taiwan's credit that while the nation's ethnic divisions are often called bitter, there has been a lack anywhere in the political spectrum of this kind of bigotry. Nor have the pan-greens shown any interest in less vicious but also generally frowned-upon measures such as making eligibility to vote dependent on passing a test in a "local" language -- ie something other than Mandarin. For a place with "bitter" ethnic conflicts, Taiwan is still tolerant.

That this country is not the former Yugoslavia, however, does not mean that there is no need for better integration if Taiwan is to emerge from its colonial past and become a nation in any substantial way. New Tide is sensibly asking how Taiwan might reach out to Mainlanders, so that they can feel part of this new nation, rather than alienated from it -- as their own political leaders have for so long taught them to be. Since we have no choice but to live together, we must seek a modus vivendi on which all sides can agree. This will inevitably mean all sides sacrificing some of their sacred cows and overcoming elements of bigotry and rejectionism. Where, asks New Tide, do we start?

There can be no definite answer at this time. The destination is known but there is no map. Indeed, in many ways we have not even surveyed the topography. Call us Pollyannas, but we suspect that if such a survey were held -- not just of attitudes and identities, but also of the honest reasons why these attitudes are held or identities felt to be important -- we might find that much of what seems so intractable might disappear. Break the perceived link between Taiwanese consciousness and Hoklo supremacism, for instance, and Mainlanders will be found to identify with China less than is thought.

What is needed is good faith on both sides, and rigorous self-policing for the kind of attitudes that vitiate rapprochement -- especially bigotry, and paying lip-service to stereotypes. This is hard enough for the pan-greens, given the historical chips on their shoulders. It is doubly hard for the pan-blues, since their leaders have a vested interest in making sure that such a rapprochement does not take place. Nevertheless there is one place to start, as we have pointed out before, and that is in the concept of Taiwan as a refuge from China. That, at least, is something Hakka, Hoklo and Mainlanders all have in common.