President Chen’s statement at Oct 10, 2004 on Oct 11, 2004 reported

President calls for cross-strait dialogue

NATIONAL DAY ADDRESS: Chen suggested that a 1992 meeting in Hong Kong between Chinese and Taiwanese officials could form the basis for the two sides to meet

By Huang Tai-lin
STAFF REPORTER
 

In a highly-anticipated speech yesterday, President Chen Shui-bian suggested both sides of the Strait could use a 1992 meeting in Hong Kong as the basis to return to the negotiation table for a new round of cross-strait talks.

Stating that the governments and people on both sides of the Strait hold different views on many issues, some of which is due to a lack of communication, Chen said he is willing to take the initiative.

He proposed both sides use the basis of a 1992 meeting in Hong Kong, to seek possible formats that are "not necessarily perfect but acceptable," as a step toward resuming the long-stalled negotiations.

In the address, which was delivered at the Double Ten National Day rally in front of the Presidential Office, the president also proposed that both sides seriously consider the issue of "arms control" and adopt concrete actions to reduce tension and military threats across the Taiwan Strait.

"In the long term, both sides should formally end the state of hostility across the Taiwan Strait and establish confidence-building measures through consultations and dialogues," Chen told his audience.

"Furthermore, we should review the armament policies of both sides and seek to establish a Code of Conduct across the Taiwan Strait as a tangible guarantee of permanent peace in the Taiwan Strait."

Response to China

Chen had previously said that his National Day speech would be a response to a May 17 statement issued by the Chinese Communist Party and the Beijing government's Taiwan Affairs Office.

Beijing's May 17 statement included points on a resumption of cross-strait dialogue, realizing direct and "three links" to facilitate exchanges in commerce, trade and transportation, and establishing a mechanism of mutual trust in the military field.

Reiterating that he would honor commitments and principles set forth in his second-term inaugural speech on May 20, Chen yesterday also called on leaders from both sides of the Strait to adopt a new frame of mind and approach in addressing future cross-strait issues.

"If both sides are willing, on the basis of goodwill, to create an environment engendered upon `peaceful development and freedom of choice,' then in the future, the Republic of China and the People's Republic of China -- or Taiwan and China -- can seek to establish political relations in any form whatsoever ? so long as there is the consent of the 23 million people of Taiwan," Chen said.

He added that cross-strait relations are not necessarily a zero-sum game and there will never be a winner unless it's a win-win situation for both sides.

Chen also pledged to invite leaders from all political parties -- after the legislative elections are complete -- to collaborate on establishing a Committee for Cross-strait Peace and Development and deliberate on other national issues, such as constitutional reform.

On cross-strait economic and trade issues, Chen said the government is formulating a plan that provides a "convenient and efficient means to facilitate chartered flights for passengers and cargo."

"It is our earnest hope that cross-strait consultations can begin as soon as possible, so as to seek further progress in the Three Links policy," he said.

Self defense

While extending goodwill toward Beijing, Chen, however, also stressed the necessity for the nation to maintain a self-defense capacity, pointing to the increasing number of missiles China is aiming at Taiwan.

"As an old adage goes, `One shall be famished if one awaits indolently for the merciful provisions of nature; and one shall be defeated if one relies on others to fight his battles.' Only if we remain resolute in our determination to defend ourselves and build up sufficient defense capabilities can we ensure peace across the Taiwan Strait and security for Taiwan," Chen said. He branded China's threat of military force as being "the greatest `shadow of terror' and `force of darkness' across the Taiwan Strait."

According to Chen, there are at the present more than 600 ballistic missiles targeting Taiwan with the number to grow by 50 to 75 missiles each year.

"The `shadows of terror' and `forces of darkness' not only directly threaten the peaceful status quo across the Taiwan Strait but also undermine regional stability and global security," Chen said.

Stating that it is indisputable that the Republic of China is Taiwan and Taiwan is the Republic of China, and that the sovereignty of the Republic of China is vested with the 23 million people of Taiwan, Chen yesterday also spoke of Taiwan's unfair treatment in the international arena and Taiwan's exclusion from the UN.

Chen shocks independence groups

WASTE OF BREATH: What is the point in making more concessions to China when they have never reciprocated, pro-independence supporters said of Chen's speech

By Jewel Huang
STAFF REPORTER

The pro-independence camp's reaction to President Chen Shui-bian's national address was negative yesterday, with many seeing his speech as making concessions to Beijing prompted by unrealistic expectations of a favorable response. Were cross-strait negotiations to resume as Chen hopes, the president was advised to hold on to Taiwan-centered stances.

Chen said yesterday in his address that he would like to "take the initiative to propose that both sides use the basis of the 1992 meeting in Hong Kong, to seek possible schemes that are not necessarily perfect but acceptable, as preparation for a step forward in the resumption of dialogue and consultation."

"I expect that Beijing will only give the cold shoulder once more to President Chen's proposal since the 1992 meeting in Hong Kong did not reach any consensus and how could it become a basis for the negotiation?" Taiwan Solidarity Union (TSU) caucus leader Chen Chien-ming said yesterday.

"The president didn't come up with much that was original in his speech as he promised over the past week," Chen Chien-ming said. "I don't think you could call it progress for Taiwan to participate in international society as long as we can't use the new national title "Taiwan" even though we've expressed our goodwill to Beijing."

Chen Chien-ming added that the president's speech might be intended to appeal to middle-of-the-road floating voters.

TSU Legislator Cheng Cheng-lung pointed out that Beijing had not responded in kind to the goodwill that President Chen has shown in cross-strait relations since his May 20 inauguration speech.

"On the contrary, Beijing has spared no efforts to suppress Taiwan in all kinds of international situations, which proves that the president's unilateral good intentions cannot give forward momentum to cross-strait relation," Chen said. "It will be dangerous for us if negotiations are not based on mutual equality."

Ruan Ming, a former special assistant to the late general secretary of the Chinese Communist Party Hu Yaobang , also an advisor to the president, echoed the TSU legislators' opinions, saying that President Chen had made a futile effort to facilitate a dialogue with the Beijing authorities which insist that Taiwan accepts the "one China" principle according to a statement by Beijing on May 17.

"Taiwan should not harbor unrealistic expectations toward the Chinese regime. It is in vain to show goodwill to China as Chinese President Hu Jintao will certainly continue the former president and military chief Jiang Zemin's `peaceful unification under one China, two systems' and `anti-Taiwan's independence' policies," Ruan said.

Ruan pointed out that there is no need for the both sides to go backwards to the circumstances of the 1992 meeting in Hong Kong since interaction across the Strait has gained a lot of ground over the past decade.

"There was no consensus reached in the 1992 meeting," Ruan said. "The feasible solution to the cross-strait impasse is to practically enhance actual interactions in business and culture between both sides," Ruan said.

Lee Shiao-feng, history professor in Shih Hsin University, also an advocate of Taiwan's independence, said that it was a great concession for the president to propose to take the 1992 meeting in Hong Kong as the basis for the reopening of cross-strait talks.

However, Lee did not blame the president too much, saying the pro-independence groups have become accustomed to Chen Shui-bian's conservative stance on Taiwan independence and understand his difficulty since he is the president of Taiwan.

"No matter how much the president yielded to his original promises, we [independence advocates] will continue to work on our goals of making a new constitution and winning a new official title for Taiwan," Lee said. "We will never forgo our insistence on Taiwan-centered consciousness when it comes to negotiation."

What is Chen suggesting?

There was something bitterly apt about the sight of New Party thugs beating up Taiwan Solidarity Union supporters who had the "temerity" to raise their own Taiwan flag on yesterday's "national day." Taiwanese who wanted to be left alone being beaten up and having their event hijacked by the thuggish agents of a foreign power: it seemed to encapsulate Taiwan's entire historical experience.

But the real business of the day was in Chen Shui-bian's speech. Let us start off then by introducing foreign readers studying Mandarin to the phrase yizhong gebiao, of which they may hear much more over the coming few months. It is a snappy shorthand for a formula which translated means "one China, with each side having its own interpretation." This, we assume, what Chen Shui-bian was referring to when he talked of "the basis of the 1992 meeting in Hong Kong" as a way of negotiating on practical matters in an environment that is "not necessarily perfect but acceptable."

The idea here dates back to talks held in Hong Kong in 1992 to prepare the way for discussions between representatives of the two sides of the Taiwan Strait. Had each side insisted on its own definition of the status of Taiwan, these talks would never have gotten off the ground. So eventually there was an agreement to disagree, usually referred to as the "1992 consensus," where both sides agreed on as much as they could and resolved not to challenge the other side's position where that differed from their own. They agreed that there was "one China" and they also agreed that they would not challenge each other's interpretation of what that "one China" was.

Since he came to power in 2000 Chen has been extremely reluctant to embrace the "1992 consensus," for which he has been criticized both by Beijing and by the pan-blues. Chen's reluctance stems from the lack of democratic process involved in the original "consensus." The Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) government at the time had not been elected by the people of Taiwan and had no mandate. Any agreement it reached with China about anything was therefore only driven by party ideology; it in no way reflected the wishes of the people of Taiwan, whom had never been consulted.

Chen was quite right to refuse to adhere to a position which had no democratic legitimacy, and many of those who criticized him for being recalcitrant, especially in Washington, should have known better. But what are we to make of Chen's latest statement? Frankly, without more flesh on the bones it is hard to tell what sort of beast this is. Chen's intention appears to be that Taiwan and China can use the "each side having its own interpretation" formula to ease tensions and find some kind of common ground. The real problem is that using only half of the formula doesn't make sense. The entire formula was a way of finding the minimum that was acceptable to each side -- Beijing would never tolerate any suggestion of Taiwan's independence while Taiwan would simply never agree that China -- which included Taiwan -- was coextensive in meaning with the PRC. Each half of the formula addressed a basic concern of one of the two sides, which is why the formula worked. It balanced one set of concerns with another.

What Chen appears to be suggesting does not do this. Given the lack of detail in Chen's speech, it is hard to comment further. What we need to know is: Is Chen really trying to use only the second half of the 1992 equation? If so, expect a chilly reception from China.

Or does Chen now implicitly accept the whole formula, which will come as a profound shock to many members of his own party? We need to know.

CCP faces huge obstacles to reform

By Hsu Szu-chien
 

In reporting the events of 4th Plenum of the 16th Chinese Communist Party (CCP) Central Committee, the attention of the media has been focused on the fact that Jiang Zemin gave up his hold on the Central Military Commission. But a still more noteworthy fact is that the title of the current plenary session is "Enhance the Party's Ruling Capabilities," a clear indication of the enormous challenges that CCP rule now faces.

It is common practice for the fourth plenary session to focus on roadmaps for reform outlined by the decisions of the National Congress and to put forward concrete proposals for implementation. That this plenary session has focused on the need to strengthen the party's ruling capabilities indicates that the senior leadership is feeling a sense of crisis in regard to the legitimacy of the CCP's hold on power.

This sense of crisis is a response to what happened in Eastern Europe, the former Soviet Union, some third world countries and even the loss of power by the KMT in Taiwan. Strengthening the party's ruling capabilities is how the CCP hopes to avoid following the same path.

The research of China's own scholars provides the best explanation. Huang Zongliang, who teaches at the Institute of International Socialism at Beijing University and who led group classes for the Politburo, said that the reason for the dissolution of the communist parties in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe was insufficient democracy within the party. The party lost its ties with the people, and so the people turned against the party.

Yu Yunyao, the executive vice-president of the Party School of the CCP Central Committee, the party's top cadre-training base, has said that the rule of the CCP is currently facing a challenging time. He said that even when a country such as China reaches a per capita GDP between US$1,000 and US$3,000, conflicts of interest within society increase and it will face instability. He believes that a reform of the political system is necessary to maintain stability.

Ding Yuanzhu of the Chinese Academy of Sciences expressed a similar view based on a series of 98 interviews with government and non-government experts. Of the 77 who responded to this question, 51 believed that China would experience a major crisis that would severely affect its economy and society before 2010.

Looking at these opinions by Chinese academics, the problems within the political structure have become a factor that will limit the development of China's economy and society. Mass protests and strikes are on the increase.

Based on Chinese government statistics quoted by Newsweek magazine, in 1993 China only had 8,700 mass protests, but last year it recorded 58,500. If social inequality isn't remedied, there will be serious problems in China's future development.

In response to this sense of crisis, the CCP has come up with the theme "Enhance the Party's Ruling Capabilities" by focusing on the three following measures: creating standing members in the Congress of party representatives, voting by all party committee members and reform in the party discipline inspection mechanism.

Creating standing members of the Congress of Party Representatives refers to extending the power currently concentrated in the hands of a small number of party committee members at various levels and the first secretary into to a broader "collective leadership." Voting by all party committee members refers to introducing a degree of competition in the nomination and voting process for leaders and cadre positions, with the final decision being made by secret ballot in a full meeting of the Party Committee. The purpose of this is to break the current hold of party secretaries over personnel selection and the monopoly exercised by the organizational department.

As for reform in the party discipline inspection mechanism, a major change will be that the local discipline and inspection commission of the units sent out by ministries and commissions should no longer come under the jurisdiction of the party committee of that unit, but will come directly under the higher-level Discipline and Inspection Commission. This will avoid the awkward situation of a local commission supervising its own boss in these units.

These reforms have been made by the CCP in response to corruption at the lower levels of the party. We might say that in a situation that offers no other choices, the CCP is gradually introducing the concepts of competition and separation of power that are part of the democratic spirit.

Overall, the problem faced by the CCP's senior leadership is to reorganize a deeply corrupt administrative system. But this is a difficult task. Two recent cases underline the difficulty in dealing with a corrupt administration.

The first is the open letter posted on the Web site of the People's Daily by Huang Jingao, the party secretary for Lianjiang County, Fujian Province. He tells a tale of how, because he sought to investigate a huge corruption case, he came under political pressure and was threatened by gangsters -- forcing him to wear a bulletproof vest for six years.

The second case is of an official surnamed Li who was head of the Anti-corruption Bureau in Xingtai City, Hebei Province. An explosion at his home failed to harm him, but his wife had both legs amputated as a result. These two incidents make one think of the book Hidden Rules by the Chinese scholar Wu Si. The Chinese administration has long harbored deep-rooted corruption, and anyone who violates or challenges these hidden rules, no matter how powerful, is likely to be defeated.

The new regime of Hu Jintao and Wen Jiabao and the more open-minded party members are aware of the seriousness of the problem, which is why they wish to "democratize the party" to avoid a loss of ruling capability. But taking a deeper look at the issue, the source of the corruption is the very nature of the party-state.

Senior scholars at the Party School of the CCP Central Committee such as Wang Yu, Li Yongzhong and Wang Guixiu have all pointed to using a three-branch separation of powers within the party as the answer. But even in this instance, this is simply a case of some members of the party elite acting as checks on other members of the party elite. The broader issue of a polarized society with contradictions between the elite and the people was not raised during the Fourth Plenum.

Hsu Szu-chien is an assistant research fellow at Institute of Political Science, Academia Sinica.

In search of a 'code of conduct'

Both sides of the Taiwan Strait need to exercise restraint and establish confidence-building measures through consultation and dialogue to be formalized into a tangible guarantee of permanent peace

Mr. Chairman, Foreign Dignitaries, Distinguished Guests and Fellow Citizens: Good morning.

Let me begin by expressing our sincere appreciation to our distinguished guests, who have come from afar, and to our friends who have extended their support to Taiwan over the years. Thank you all for joining us here, together with the 23 million people of Taiwan, to celebrate the ninety-third birthday of the Republic of China.

To the people of Taiwan, 2004 is a year to be remembered. Olympians representing Taiwan in Athens, for the first time in history, gallantly captured the first and second gold medals of this nation -- for themselves, for Taiwan, and as an answer to the yearning of the 23 million people of our country. Decades from now, accounts of Taiwan's triumphant moments in the Olympic Games will continue to leave indelible imprints in the chronicle of Taiwan and in our collective memory.

When Taiwan's first gold medal was officially conferred, waves of emotions swept through the hearts of our athletes and millions of our fellow citizens, who witnessed that glorious moment in history with tears of joy streaming down their faces. Perhaps those not from Taiwan find it difficult to comprehend the bittersweet sentiment so deeply felt by all of us -- one that stems from a profound regret that our gold medalists are forbidden to sing our national anthem and salute our national flag. Our only recourse is to make a loud appeal to the international media: "I am from Taiwan!"

This is the "story of Taiwan": an arduous journey that never ceases to produce new chapters of glory and success. In the past half a century, the 23 million of people of Taiwan toiled tirelessly on this land to bring about economic development and democratic achievements. Their indefatigable spirit and unfaltering strength fills the pages of the same moving story of Taiwan.

Today, we have invited our Olympic and Paralympic champions to lead the chorus of our national anthem. In a song that entwines our people with the remembrance of our glorious past, we honor the "Heroes of Taiwan." And as sounds of our national anthem reach far beyond the horizon, we join here today with our Olympic heroes as a symbolic gesture that each and every one of you, my fellow citizens, is a hero of Taiwan.

Standing tall

Taiwan is a small country. Facing a multitude of challenges and vigorous competition, we must stand tall on the international stage, relying only on our intrinsic capabilities. External difficulties should make us more united internally. The transfer of governing power between political parties and the actualization of democratic ideas serve to strengthen our nation and improve our international competitiveness. We cannot afford to dwell upon the victory or defeat of each election, nor can we allow our nation to remain stagnant and our society divided. The long-term authoritarian government of the past has brought about inappropriate and defective policy regarding ethnic groups, and discrepancy in national identity. After the change of the political party in power, we must seize new opportunities for rebuilding solidarity, instead of dwelling on distracting confrontation.

In my inauguration speech this year, I specifically called attention to the issues of identity and ethnicity, which constitute serious matters that cannot be denied or deliberately overlooked in today's society. My colleagues and I in the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP), as the governing party, will lead the way in addressing such issues. We will take the first step and begin with candid self-reflection. Just this past September, the DPP passed a binding resolution of supremacy -- the Resolution on Ethnic Diversity and National Unity. Soon after the national day celebration, the Executive Yuan will convene a "Conference on Ethnic and Cultural Development," for which much time and effort have been devoted towards its fruition. These concrete actions signify the beginning of mutual understanding, rather than an end to our own introspection.

The story of Taiwan is co-authored by every ethnic group of this land. Where we stand is the motherland of the Aborigines, Hakka and Hoklo. It is a new home for the "new settlers," and a new world for immigrants from other parts of the world. Taiwan's national identity is established with all-inclusive participation from our ethnic groups -- each one being the master of this land, and their mother tongues the languages of Taiwan. Whether an individual identifies with Taiwan or the Republic of China per se, any such professed expression of national identity is a testament to one's loyalty towards this country, and such an expression should not be distorted or misused to divide the people. Rather, let mutual respect, understanding and acceptance prevail despite our divergent views.

The sovereignty of the Republic of China is vested with the 23 million people of Taiwan. The Republic of China is Taiwan, and Taiwan is the Republic of China. This is an indisputable fact.

Today, in many corners of the world, Taiwan's agricultural, technical and medical missions are making remarkable contributions, as Taiwan dedicates itself to active participation in the international community, offering economic aid and humanitarian assistance. For we believe that "one with moral integrity will never be devoid of good neighbors," as Confucius says.

UN membership

Next year, the UN will celebrate its 60th anniversary. At a time when expectations for the reform and consolidation of the UN system are rising high in the international community, and a sense of urgency felt for expanding international participation, it is most unfortunate and unfair that the UN -- an international organization that vows to adhere to the values of "peace, respect, equality and friendship" and claims to uphold the "principle of universality of membership" -- continues to exclude the 23 million people of Taiwan.

Resolution 2758 of the 1971 UN General Assembly addresses the issue of representation of the People's Republic of China (PRC) in the UN and relevant organizations. However, it never endowed the PRC any right to "represent the people of Taiwan." It is essential that Resolution 2785 should not be wrongly used as an excuse to exclude Taiwan from the UN system. Misusing this resolution to obstruct the participation of Taiwan's people not only violates the UN Charter, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and other international human rights principles; it is also a great irony given the principle of "universality of membership."

In Taiwan, a country of 36,000 square kilometers with effective governance and a sound political system, sovereignty is vested with the people, who enjoy full freedoms and human rights. With a foreign reserve of over US$230 billion and an average annual per capita income of approximately US$14,000, Taiwan also ranks as the 15th largest trading country in the world. A member of the World Trade Organization (WTO) and other international organizations, Taiwan has endeavored to participate effectively in the international arena. There is no reason that the 23 million people of Taiwan should continue to be "politically isolated" and remain as international nomads without due acknowledgement.

Taiwan must stand tall on the international stage, with parity and dignity. This is a wish shared by the 23 million people of Taiwan. In the same spirit, it is the yearning of each of our fellow citizens to see our national flag raised and our national anthem played in the Olympic award ceremony. It is but a simple wish that should never be ignored by any member of civilized societies nor met with flagrant attitude that retorts: "nobody cares about you!"

The people of Taiwan have together created a miraculous era of economic growth and authored a glorious history of democratic reforms. However, the greatest responsibility of our generation is to provide for coming generations a future of peace and security and sustainable development.

It is self-evident that our economic achievements and democratic accomplishments can only prevail if our national security is well ensured. As an old adage goes, "One shall be famished if one awaits indolently for the merciful provision of nature; and one shall be defeated if one relies on others to fight his battle." Only if we remain resolute in our determination to defend ourselves and build up sufficient defense capabilities can we ensure peace across the Taiwan Strait and security for Taiwan.

The threat of military force poses the greatest shadows of terror and forces of darkness across the Taiwan Strait. At present, there are more than 600 ballistic missiles targeting Taiwan, and the numbers grow by 50 to 75 missiles each year -- a serious threat that neither the Taiwan people nor the international society can afford to look on idly. These shadows of terror and forces of darkness not only directly threaten the peaceful status quo of the Taiwan Strait, they also undermine regional stability and global security.

Hope and fear

Taiwan is pleased to witness the steady progress, reforms and peaceful emergence of China. We also extend our best wishes to the other side of the Strait as it prepares for the 2008 Beijing Olympics, and we hope that it will be a successful event conducted in accordance with the Olympic spirits of peace and equality. Nevertheless, the international community should be wary of and yet hope for the emergence of China to be accompanied by a peaceful awakening, rather than a hegemony of belligerence and aggression.

In my inaugural address on May 20th of this year, I sincerely called for leaders on both sides of the Strait, with the new century upon us, to heed the new trend of regional integration and global partnership and to adopt a brand new frame of mind and together take a fresh, unparalleled approach in addressing future cross-strait issues. If both sides are willing, on the basis of goodwill, to create an environment born of peaceful development and freedom of choice, then in the future, the Republic of China and the People's Republic of China -- or Taiwan and China -- can seek to establish political relations in any form whatsoever. We would not exclude any possibility, so long as it has the consent of the 23 million people of Taiwan.

I would like to reaffirm the promises and principles set forth in my inaugural speech. Those commitments will be honored during my presidency. We are aware of the recent transfer of power and personnel reshuffling on the other side of the Strait. We hope that, with greater wisdom, both sides can create better opportunities for new development in cross-strait relations.

Past experiences have shown that military threats and constricting Taiwan's international space will only further distance people on either side of the Strait. Belligerent and hostile rhetoric simply cannot improve mutual trust and understanding. "Cross-strait relations are not necessarily a zero-sum game, there will never be a winner unless it's a win-win situation for both sides." I believe the fourth-generation leadership on the other side of the Strait should be able to fully understand this point.

On many issues, the governments and the peoples on both sides of the Strait hold different views, some of which result from the absence of communication. In light of this, I have, on many occasions, proposed that -- based on the existing foundation -- both sides should promote the resumption of cross-strait dialogue and communication channels, so as to reduce the gap between the two sides and to construct a foundation of mutual trust. Today, I would like to take the initiative to propose that both sides use the basis of the 1992 meeting in Hong Kong, to seek possible schemes that are not necessarily perfect but acceptable, as preparation for a step forward in the resumption of dialogue and consultation.

Any conflict in the Taiwan Strait could result in irreparable damage to the peoples on both sides. Therefore, I propose that both sides should seriously consider the issue of arms control and take concrete actions to reduce tension and military threats across the Taiwan Strait. Not too long ago, Taiwan's initiative to cancel the Han-kuang military exercise originally scheduled for September was based on such deliberation.

We believe only when both sides are committed to exercising restraint and avoiding any action that might further complicate the situation or induce conflict, can we ensure that cross-strait relations develop on a peaceful and stable path. In the long term, both sides should formally end the state of hostility across the Taiwan Strait and establish confidence-building measures through consultations and dialogues. Furthermore, we should review the armament policies of both sides and seek to establish a "Code of Conduct across the Taiwan Strait" as the tangible guarantee of permanent peace in the Taiwan Strait.

At present, both sides are dedicated to pursuing economic development and social stability; both are facing a critical time and an opportune moment of transition. The strategy for cross-strait economy and trade in this age of globalization is in accordance with our mindset of peaceful development. If we can reduce the risk of investment in the China market and clearly establish the division of labor in the global supply chain, new cross-strait economic and trade relations -- both competitive and collaborative -- can be gradually formed. Meanwhile, Taiwan must expedite its economic transformation, promote development within Taiwan, reaching out to the world, increase comprehensive strength, and diversifying risks, so as to effectively utilize the opportunities of cross-strait economic development. The executive branch is currently formulating a plan that provides convenient and efficient means to facilitate chartered flights for passengers and cargo. It is our earnest hope that cross-strait consultations can begin as soon as possible, so as to seek further progress in the Three Links policy.

Distinguished guests and my fellow citizens, "Unite Taiwan, stabilize cross-strait relations, seek social harmony, and reinvigorate the economy." These are not only my commitments to the people of Taiwan, they are also responsibilities that all political parties must shoulder together. The impending legislative election at the end of this year presents us an opportunity as well as a challenge. Therefore, I hope that all political parties will hold a sensible campaign based on goodwill and rational competition, so as to open a new era in post-election politics and give Taiwan a chance to attain lasting unity, stability, peace, and prosperity.

Promise

I hereby offer my pledge that upon the completion of the year-end legislative elections, I will, with utmost sincerity, invite leaders from all political parties to collaborate in the following undertakings: establish a Committee for Cross-strait Peace and Development, forge ahead with the constitutional reform project and tackle national policy issues that are of vital importance to the people. We will seek to reach a majority consensus, based on which both the governing and opposition parties can make a critical contribution to the enduring political stability and sustainable development of our country.

Dear fellow citizens, let me now share with you a new documentary, based on real stories of post-921earthquake restorations. It is called Life. Like many people who have seen the documentary, I was moved to tears by these amazing stories of resiliency. Those tears were not a mere commiseration to lament the tragic loss of so many people. Instead, they were kindred emotions shared by all who witnessed such a display of strength and the power of healing. What this documentary captures is not merely poignant stories of 921, but also an evocative narrative commemorating Taiwan and those who build their lives on this land, whose courage and strength weave a remarkable story of triumph.

Inevitably, life may sometimes seem like passing through a dark and windy tunnel, where we find ourselves confronted by numerous setbacks and tribulations. At times, the future seems inexorably bleak as if we have reached the end of the road. Yet, march on we must and we will, with an unrelenting vitality that is our beacon of hope, until we emerge into the light at the end of the tunnel. On this national day, I encourage all of you to personally experience this powerful film and to never let pass opportunities to meet life's challenges with fortitude. For the future of our country, we will stride forward in unity to author a glorious new chapter in the story of Taiwan.

In closing, let me wish the Republic of China a happy birthday. May our great nation enjoy peace and everlasting prosperity. Distinguished guests and my fellow citizens, I extend to you my warmest wishes for good health and much success in all your endeavors. Thank you!