Going
west foe what on Nov 13, 2004 Going
west' threatening Taiwan's sovereignty By Huang Tien-lin During
his interview with Phoenix TV in Beijing on Oct. 25, US Secretary of State Colin
Powell said that "Taiwan is not independent. It does not enjoy sovereignty
as a nation. We do not support an independence movement in Taiwan." He also
said that Taiwan and China "should look for ways of improving dialogue
across the Strait and move forward toward a peaceful unification." His
abrupt remarks stunned political observers in Taiwan. Looking back at the matter, what we cannot understand is: First, was it a
slip of the tongue? If it was, what was Powell's understanding of Taiwan's
situation that led to the mistake? Was the ideal of unification deeply embedded
in his subconscious? Second, if his statement was a result of pressure from
Beijing, why has this pressure grown to such an extent that it has made Powell
deny Taiwan's sovereignty and future self-determination? No matter how we interpret these points, Powell's words have already hurt
the Taiwanese people, and given us an important warning sign. The public should
consider why more and more foreign friends and governments are leaning toward
China, insisting that Taiwan is not an independent sovereign state and that the
two sides of the Taiwan Strait will eventually unite. I believe that Powell's comments were a natural response to what he has
seen and heard. Since he took office four years ago, he must have taken note of
the booming cross-strait economic exchanges and the massive number of the
Taiwanese businesspeople operating in China. Taiwanese businesspeople outnumber their US counterparts in China, and 3.8
million and Taiwanese visit China every year, which also exceeds the number of
US visitors. "China fever" remains, despite the more than 600 missiles
China is aiming at Taiwan. Although ideas such as "one county on each side
[of the Strait]" and Taiwan's UN membership bid are occasionally discussed,
they are not taken seriously, because the Taiwanese people are unable to cut the
umbilical cord between themselves and China. The fact is that the frequent cross-strait exchanges have overshadowed
Taiwan's insistence on its sovereignty, because it often sacrifices its
sovereignty for the sake of business interests. Day after day, these facts have
delivered a message to our foreign friends: "The two sides will unify, and
they are moving in this direction." In his interview with CNN, Powell clearly expressed foreigners' view on
cross-strait relations by saying that "We want to see both sides not take
unilateral action that would prejudice an eventual outcome, a reunification that
all parties are seeking." His words "that all parties are
seeking" prove that, in his mind, the two sides are making efforts toward
unification. In January 2001, William Kirby, the director of the Harvard University Asia
Center, told Newsweek magazine that Taiwan is falling inexorably into the
grip of Chinese economic power. He also said that there is little Taiwan can do
to escape from that grip. Almost four years have passed since Kirby made these
comments. China's capacity for controlling Taiwan is still growing, while Taipei
is leaning toward Beijing economically. What else can we expect the US to say
under such circumstances? "Going west" has made China stronger and weakened Taiwan's
economy, hampering the government's policy of "going south." Because
of this trend, China's economic power will very soon be sufficient to influence
US policies, while Taiwan sinks deeper and deeper. This reflects the old Chinese
saying, "Human beings die in pursuit of wealth, and birds die in pursuit of
food." Huang
Tien-lin is a national policy adviser to the president. US
holds nation's sovereignty By
Richard Hartzell Regarding
the dispute over Taiwan's sovereignty which has recently made headlines, I offer
the following analysis. Let's first consider the Cairo Declaration, Potsdam Proclamation and
Japanese surrender documents. Do these have the force of an internationally
binding treaty arrangement to formally transfer the sovereignty of "Formosa
and the Pescadores" to the Republic of China (ROC)? No, they are only statements of "intent." Hence, we can analyze
the Taiwan sovereignty question in three steps. Step 1: From international law it is easily seen that Oct. 25, 1945 marks
the beginning of the military occupation of "Formosa and the
Pescadores" by the ROC. Military occupation does not transfer sovereignty. Step 2: When the government of the ROC fled to Taiwan in late 1949, it
became a "government-in-exile." The ROC continued to exercise
"effective territorial control" over this area which it was holding
under military occupation. Step 3: In the post-war San Francisco Peace Treaty and Sino-Japanese Peace
Treaty, the sovereignty of Taiwan was not awarded to the ROC. Hence, Secretary of State Powell is correct, Taiwan does not enjoy
sovereignty as a nation. So where is the sovereignty of Taiwan? Again, we may obtain the answer in three steps. Step 1: All attacks on Japanese fortifications and installations in Taiwan
during WWII were carried out by US military forces. According to the "customary laws of warfare in the post Napoleonic
period," the US will be the principal occupying power. Step 2: General MacArthur, head of the US military government, delegated
matters regarding the Japanese surrender ceremonies and occupation of Taiwan to
Chiang Kai-shek . This is simply a "principal" to "agent" relationship. Step 3: In the post-war peace treaties, the sovereignty of Taiwan was not
awarded to the ROC, hence Taiwan remains under the administrative authority of
the US military government, and this is an interim status condition. In the San
Francisco Peace Treaty, Article 4b clearly states that the US military
government has final disposition rights over "Formosa and the
Pescadores." In addition, Article 23 reconfirms the US as the principal occupying power.
In effect, the US is holding the sovereignty of Taiwan "in
trust," and in the Shanghai Communique the US president is making
arrangements for the future handover of this sovereignty to the People's
Rebpublic of China, which is recognized as the sole legitimate government of
China! However, at the present time, Taiwan is still under US administrative
authority, and should be enjoying "fundamental rights" under the US
Constitution, as in all other US overseas territories. Based on the insular cases of the Supreme Court, (and especially Gonzales
v. Williams, 1904) in regard to Puerto Rico, after the treaty cession, when
Puerto Rico was under a US military government (before the promulgation of the
Foraker Act, May 1, 1900) the local people were "island citizens of the
Puerto Rico cession." Hence, in Cuba, after the coming into effect of the treaty, when Cuba was
under US military government (before independence on May 20, 1902) the local
people were "island citizens of the Cuba cession." In Taiwan, after the coming into effect of the San Francisco Peace Treaty,
with Taiwan under the administrative authority of the US military government,
the local people are "island citizens of the Taiwan cession." Of course, the US flag should be flying. Taiwan is foreign territory under
the dominion of the US, or more technically a "quasi-trusteeship of insular
status under the US military government." The passport issued to Taiwanese
citizens would be similar to a "trusteeship" one, and would fall under
the category of "US national, non-citizen." This is a jus soli nationality based on the US Supreme Court's
insular cases, and not based on the 14th Amendment to the US Constitution. Taiwan's citizens do not (will not) have voting rights in US federal
elections. Richard
Hartzell Editorial:
Seize the opportunity for peace There
are two ways to achieve peace. One of these is to bring about peace through war,
but this is a zero-sum option. The other is to achieve it through peaceful
means. This is a peace in which both parties will win. China has been advocating the former to impose peace across the Taiwan
Strait, whereas Taiwan has been doing its best to achieve peace through the
latter method. On Wednesday, President Chen Shui-bian proposed
ten points during a high level meeting of the National Security Council, some of
which were new policy proposals. These are the sum of all the efforts of the
past four years of the Chen administration. The US, China and Taiwan should take
advantage of the next year to try to achieve a more peaceful environment across
the Taiwan Strait. Foremost among these ten proposals for peace is the call to defuse the
military tension in the Strait. This includes military cuts, a reduction in the
length of compulsory military service, an assurance that there will be no
development of nuclear, biological or chemical weapons of mass destruction
(WMDs) and requiring China not to attack Taiwan with WMDs. In order to avoid misunderstandings or the possibility of sparking a
conflict, it was also recommended that both sides of the Strait agree on a
military buffer zone. Fighter jets or warships belonging to either side should
avoid entering this zone unless necessary, and if such a necessity arises, prior
notice must be given to the other side. Another proposal is that a Taiwan Strait
military security consultative mechanism is established, which will gradually
become a "Code of Conduct across the Strait." This will be along the
lines of the 1972 US-Russian Agreement on the Prevention of Incidents at Sea and
the US-China Military Maritime Consultative Agreement of 1998. In an attempt to break through the impasse in negotiations, Taiwan has
tried to reduce the differences over the source of the conflict, namely the
"1992 consensus" and the "one China" concept. It has made
much of the spirit of the 1992 meeting in Hong Kong as a means of smoothing over
differences. Taiwan is also seeking talks with China over the issues of two-way
reciprocal flights that do not stop in a third place. Chen's government wants to
come to an agreement over cargo flights and charter passenger flights during the
Lunar New Year, using the Taiwan-Hong Kong aviation agreement as a model. This
will be a turning point for direct flights across the Strait, and will make
things a lot more convenient for people from both sides to travel back and
forth. If this can be achieved, the establishment of the three links will be
possible. In Taiwan, the confrontation between supporters of unification and of
independence has neutralized the nation's political energy. From the perspective
of China and the international community, it raises a question mark about the
consistency of Taiwan's policies. Therefore, prior to any cross-strait
negotiations, it is important that Taiwan streamline its own position. Chen has invited members of the opposition to participate in the formation
of a Committee for Cross-Strait Peace and Development, and has stated that he
has no objection to appointing a leader of the opposition as chairman, so that
government and opposition can work together to formulate guidelines for the
development of cross-strait peace, and actively seek to achieve stability in the
Strait. Taiwan saw Chen win a second term in March. In the US, President George W.
Bush has also just won a second term, and in China, President Hu Jintao recently
consolidated party, government and military power in his hands. In all three
nations, power has been confirmed, making this the best time to seek
cross-strait peace. The
US has already said that Chen's 10-point initiative "lays the
foundation" for progress toward resumption of dialogue. But we hope that
when Bush and Hu meet in Chile for the APEC summit later this month, they will
also accept the participation of Taiwan's special envoy Lee Yuan-tseh to
engage in three-sided talks over the 10 points, opening up a new opportunity
for peace across the Taiwan Strait.
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