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 China¡¦s 
new laws on Nov 16, 2004 China 
evicts families in Beijing ILLEGAL 
ACTION: Despite new laws protecting private property in China, police yesterday 
started using force to get unwilling homeowners to leave their dwellings A 
woman was injured as at least 100 police officers began forcefully evicting 
families from a neighborhood in east Beijing yesterday despite new laws in China 
protecting private property.  Police surrounded three one-story old brick homes in the Nanyingfang 
neighborhood of Chaoyang district yesterday morning as moving crews piled the 
belongings of the unwilling home-owners onto vans.  One middle-aged woman was brought out of her home covered in blood, the 
cause of her injuries was unclear. Several residents from another home were 
pulled out and shoved into a police van.  Police sprayed foam from fire extinguishers on a large crowd of onlookers 
whose homes were also facing demolition in coming days.  Journalists were ordered not to take pictures and leave the site.  "What laws? The Chinese government's words are all meaningless, all 
lies," said a nearby resident who was facing imminent eviction.  "It was all over the newspapers, that officials cannot carry out 
demolitions as they wish, but if they want to do, what power do we have to stop 
them?" said another woman.  
 As they spoke, two large bulldozers knocked down the wall of one home, 
where someone had scribbled in large black Chinese characters: "Forceful 
demolition and evictions violate and are forbidden by the national constitution. 
Uphold the constitution. Fight for human rights."  More than 1,000 households live in the neighborhood where houses once 
served as barracks for soldiers of the Qing Dynasty (1644 to 1911) who guarded 
the Chaoyangmen gate of the capital's city walls.  Unlike most demolitions happening throughout Beijing, the residents in 
Nanyingfang own their homes, purchased following the fall of the Qing Dynasty 
and passed down from generations over 100 years.  Under China's constitution, amended in March to protect private assets for 
the first time, the res-idents are supposed to have rights to negotiate a fair 
compensation before moving.  The central government this year also ordered local governments not to 
carry out "chaotic," unreasonable requisition of land.  But none of that mattered yesterday with the Chaoyang district government 
intent on making way for a major developer to build what residents believe will 
be a shopping district.  "We are not against demolitions, but they should give us a fair price 
for our land," said one woman.  "With the price they are giving us, we can't even afford to buy a home 
in the outskirts of Beijing. Our kids won't be able to go to school in central 
Beijing."  The government is offering a compensation price of about 4,000 to 6,000 
yuan (US$482 to US$723) per m2, which residents said was below market price.  A newly built upscale apartment building next to the brick homes is selling 
for more than double the rate -- 13,000 yuan per square meter.  Homeowners 
  requested anonymity for fear of retribution for speaking to foreign 
  journalists. Officials could not immediately be reached for comment.  DPP 
clarifies Chen's `soft coup' remarks WARNING 
REITERATED: Party officials said the president was simply trying to inform 
voters of what had happened in the days immediately following the March election The 
aim behind President Chen Shui-bian's mention of a pan-blue attempt to launch a 
"soft coup d'etat" in the wake of the March presidential election was 
not meant to point fingers but simply to inform voters of the situa-tion, 
Presidential Office Secretary-General Su Tseng-chang  said yesterday.  "President Chen merely wanted to report to the voters about the 
situation at the time and called on the public to safeguard democracy and to end 
unrest with their votes," Su said.  He was referring to remarks made by Chen on Sunday night while campaigning 
for Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) legislative candidates in Taipei County.  Shortly after the election Chen the pan-blue camp had tried to persuade 
senior generals and officers to launch a "soft coup" against the 
Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) government.  Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) Chairman Lien Chan and People First Party (PFP) 
Chairman James Soong have yet to concede defeat in March 20 poll.  Chen labeled the pan-blue move a "soft coup d'etat" because 
instead of cannons and tanks it tried to use pressure from senior officers.  The president said it was "very clear who, when and where people held 
high-level meetings with senior generals and high-ranking officers and retired 
generals to try to get them to stand up ? to pretend to be ill and check 
themselves into a hospital in order to pressure me to submit my 
resignation."  Chen said the coup bid had not succeeded because of long-term efforts to 
depoliticize the military and because "top generals did not let themselves 
be used."  Sunday was not the first time that Chen has used the term "coup." 
Back in April Chen described the opposition's persistent protests over his 
re-election as an "aborted coup."  Su said yesterday that it was true in the immediate post-election period 
that individuals had tried to persuade high-level military officials to quit 
their posts in a bid to create social instability and misgivings among the 
public.  Su said it was apparent that senior generals possess a more mature 
democratic capacity and disposition than Lien and Soong do -- given the pan-blue 
camp's actions in the wake of the election when opposition leaders called for 
huge protests in front of the Presidential Office and then published and 
distributed the Bulletgate pamphlets about the assassination attempt on 
Chen in an attempt to smear him.  DPP Legislator Lee Wen-chung said yesterday that four retired generals had 
tried to persuade three serving generals and eight lieutenant-generals to either 
resign or check themselves into hospitals.  At 
  a news conference, Lee declined to name names except to say that then-minister 
  of national defense Tang Yao-ming, Deputy Chief of the General Staff Admiral 
  Fei Hung-po  and Minister of 
  National Defense Lee Jye -- were not among them. New 
school textbooks will simply tell the truth By 
Chin Heng-wei As the Chinese saying goes, "It takes 10 years to grow a tree, and 100 
years before a sound education program takes root." This is where it 
begins.  In the larger scheme of things, the new text places Taiwan's history 
alongside Chinese and world history. No longer will Taiwan's history be regarded 
as being a subsidiary of Chinese history.  From a more local perspective, we see Taiwan's history escaping from the 
confines of "party-state history," breaking away from the Chinese 
Nationalist Party (KMT)-endorsed myths and finally bringing out the truth of 
events like the White Terror and the misfortune that Taiwan suffered due to the 
battle between the KMT and the Chinese Communist Party (CCP).  The most interesting aspect, which has the appeal of being a false 
accusation being overturned, has to do with the Cairo Declaration. In 1945, 
Chiang Kai-shek did meet with British prime minister Winston Churchill and US 
president Franklin Roosevelt, but what came out of that meeting was just a press 
communique, not a declaration. A copy of the original is stored in the Academia 
Historica in Taiwan, with originals also in the achieves of the UK and the US, 
so it's possible to reexamine this matter.  Why didn't the Cairo conference produce any official conclusion? This was 
mainly because British foreign minister Antony Eden was against returning Taiwan 
to China, and the document given to Chiang by the official representing China, 
Wang Chunghui , made this plain. (This document can be found in Important 
Historical Records of the Republic of China edited by Chin Hsiao-yi ).  This is why the meeting in Cairo produced nothing more than a communique 
(even though it is often referred to as a "declaration"). It was not a 
signed treaty and simply stated the matters discussed. The KMT twisted history 
and tampered with evidence, creating a "Cairo Declaration" that fitted 
their purposes with the aim of making the statement that "Japan 
relinquishes sovereignty over Taiwan" into "Taiwan's sovereignty 
reverts to China."  The new high school text books will do nothing more than tell the truth. 
And this hasn't come easily. It has taken constant calls from concerned people 
to finally penetrate the lies of the KMT and the "two Chiangs."  It is interesting to note that Taipei Mayor Ma Ying-jeou has not made any 
statement on his position regarding the Cairo Declaration. He has taken aim 
elsewhere, using the Shanghai Communique and some other documents as his weapons 
to deflect the argument that Taiwan's status is still unclear.  The problem is that once you accept the three Sino-US Joint Communiques, 
this is tantamount to accepting that the Republic of China (ROC) no longer 
exists. Ma, who has sworn to defend the ROC to the death, has basically denied 
the existence of this entity.  Former president Lee Teng-hui's question "where has the ROC 
gone?" seems more than justified. Besides, the Shanghai Communique affirms 
that there is only one China. Once 23 million Taiwanese deny that they are 
Chinese, this totally undermines the foundation of the communique, and the US 
"one China" policy becomes urgently in need of change.  Taiwan is Taiwan, China is China. There is one country on either side of 
the Taiwan Strait. This is the fact, and it should not surprise anybody.  Chin 
  Heng-wei is editor-in-chief of Contemporary Monthly magazine.  EU 
provides an inspiring model By 
Francis Kan  The 
repercussions of the strong comments made by US Secretary of State Colin Powell 
during his two-day visit to China denying that Taiwan is an independent nation 
have not ended. Although a lot of effort has been exerted from different angles 
to interpret and clarify this incident, a diverse range of views makes the whole 
issue even more complicated. I think that we can regard Powell's statement as a 
preventive measure intended by Washington to pull Taiwan back to the status quo. 
 Powell's comments clearly make the following points.  First, the US does not want to see either side take unilateral action, 
interpret the "one China" policy, or settle on a structure for future 
cross-strait relations, because if they do the US will inevitably be involved in 
a cross-strait conflict. Therefore, the US has taken the initiative to prevent a 
possible war that could take place within a few years.  Second, as for the US, its best strategic advantage in the Asia-Pacific 
region is served by maintaining stability, and the most important factor to 
achieve this is by maintaining the status quo across the Taiwan Strait. When the 
US senses that Taiwan intends to change the current situation, it will do 
whatever it must to prevent any harm to US international interests.  Third, Powell's warning-like comments on Taiwan indicate that the US 
attaches greater importance to Sino-US relations than its relationship with 
Taiwan. Nor is it afraid of revealing its priorities. We cannot rule out the 
possibility that the US has used this statement to calm China over US arms sales 
to Taiwan.  Since the Bush administration declared that it has a responsibility to 
protect Taiwan and will do its best to assist Taiwan's national defense four 
years ago, to the warning signal given right before the end of this 
administrative term, it is foreseeable that the US will continue to pursue an 
increasingly defined China policy.  The next four years will be crucial in determining stability across the 
Taiwan Strait. How can Taiwan handle the upcoming challenges? If Taiwan refuses 
to face up to cross-strait issues, it will waste its current economic and 
political advantages, perhaps even losing the US' moral support. If we 
understand the inevitable nature of direct cross-strait talks, then our problem 
lies in how to face China's insistence on its "one China" principle.  If the "one China" principle is the inescapable crux of the 
matter, then how can Taiwan respond with a "one China" proposal based 
on its best strategic interests? The best example to soothe conflict and create 
prosperity should be the peace process of European integration. If we can follow 
the spirit of the EU, eliminate any possible military and political factors that 
can trigger conflicts, and launch a multi-level cooperation that can reinforce 
mutual trust and dependency, the stability and prosperity of the two sides of 
the Taiwan Strait should be guaranteed.  Therefore, we can propose the concept of "one China" based on the 
model of the EU as a response to China's rigid "one-China" definition. 
This new "one China" will give Taiwan the following guarantees:  First, maintaining Taiwan's status quo, and not changing Taiwan's 
sovereignty: the development of the EU is not involved in national sovereignty 
issues of each member country, but rather, it only emphasizes the cooperation of 
policy issues that are beneficial to the EU as a whole.  The issue that touches off cross-strait conflict is the controversy of 
Taiwan's sovereignty; if we can incorporate the spirit of the EU, and focus on 
the cooperation and mutual trust in diverse issues and multi-layered 
administration, we can develop a bilaterally beneficial partnership while 
avoiding sensitive issues.  Second, keeping an open mind as to the ultimate goal of an integration 
process: the future forms of development of the EU will not be confined to 
becoming a single country, a federation, a confederation, or some other forms.  A "one China" based on the EU should retain its flexibility, and 
put an emphasis on finding collective benefits. If the ultimate goal is defined 
too soon, the integration process may be impeded.  Third, the "one China" based on the EU will benefit the expansion 
of Taiwan's diplomacy and economy: the EU experience indicates that a strong 
economic community facilitates each country's respective interests. The 
integration of Taiwan and China will substantially help both countries' economy 
and trade; also, with the establishment of mutual trust [across the Taiwan 
Strait], Taiwan will have a broader stage before the international community.  Fourth, facilitating China's democratization: the EU can be seen as a 
collective body of democratic countries in Europe. The mechanism and discipline 
of the EU reinforce its member countries' insistence on their values of 
democracy; it is also the impetus for prospective member countries to promote 
democracy.  Taiwan's gradually maturing democracy will become the factor that 
influences China during the cross-strait integration process. At the same time, 
democratic China is the best partner for Taiwan in its sustainable development.  Within Taiwan, there are different proposals for cross-strait relations. 
The concept of "one China" based on the EU can not only take care of 
different ideologies among different factions within Taiwan, but also meet 
China's "one China" demand.  Francis 
  Kan is an assistant research fellow at the Institute of International 
  Relations, National Chengchi University.  Editorial: 
Military has passed the test Chinese 
Nationalist Party (KMT) Chairman Lien Chan and People First Party Chairman James 
Soong have continued in their efforts to stir up trouble ever since the 
presidential elections seven months ago. The ensuing disorder has hung over 
Taiwan like a dark, ominous cloud. Fortunately, even this cloud has a silver 
lining.  In the month following the election, the pan-blue camp mobilized the masses 
to protest in front of the Presidential Office as part of their attempts at a 
revolution. They were exploiting the power of the people in their quest to 
overturn the government of President Chen Shui-bian, and also called on the 
military and the police to make a stand.  This weekend Chen revealed a hitherto unknown fact, namely that after the 
election a retired general had asked high-ranking military leaders to exert 
pressure on the president either by having themselves admitted to hospital on 
false pretenses, or by tendering their resignations. The abortive seven-day coup 
was not an attempted military coup, but was intended as a "soft coup." 
Fortunately, the depoliticization of Taiwan's armed forces has already occurred 
with a considerable degree of success, and the "soft coup" failed.  The failure of the quasi-revolution brings us mixed feelings of anxiety and 
happiness. The anxiety is because certain elements in the KMT are willing to 
resort to any expedient to gain power, even to the extent of tainting the 
politically neutral military by encouraging senior officers to express their 
political views.  This violates Article 138 of the Constitution, which states that military 
personnel "shall be above personal, regional and party affiliation." 
At the same time, the blue camp has also violated Article 139 of the 
Constitution, which states that "no political party ... shall make use of 
the armed forces as an instrument in the struggle of political powers."  The blue camp does not respect the outcome of a democratic election, and 
refuses to trust the process of judicial arbitration; instead, it puts its faith 
in Machiavellian intrigue, which the blues believe is all that works. We are 
happy to see that the light of democracy in Taiwan has not been consumed by the 
darkness of political reactionism.  We can be happy that Taiwan's military has finally cast off its role as an 
army loyal only to the KMT, and has become an army loyal to the Republic of 
China, its Constitution and its people.  The army of the Republic of China was founded by Chiang Kai-shek with an 
officer corps drawn from members of the Whampoa Military Academy. It was heavily 
colored by personal loyalty to its founder and his family, and was often called 
"Chiang's army."  During the process of Taiwan's democratization, the identification of the 
military as Chiang's army, which was the KMT's army, was questioned and 
subsequently challenged. With the passage of the Defense Ministry Organizational 
Law, Taiwan's military acquired political neutrality under the law, and the 
quality of the military organization began to improve as a result. After the 
2000 presidential election, Chief of the General Staff Tang Yao-ming led the 
military in swearing allegiance to the constitutionally elected president, 
clearly drawing a line of separation between nation and party. In this year's 
presidential election, although the final result was controversial, the military 
maintained its neutrality and was unmoved by the political pressure of the KMT. 
This clearly showed that the military had passed the test and become defenders 
of the Constitution and protectors of the people.  The 
  last two presidential elections have been a severe test of Taiwan's democracy. 
  The people of Taiwan have passed the test. Taiwan's military maintained its 
  principles despite temptation. Taiwan's judiciary is still being tested, but 
  it seems that only the blue camp's ability to grasp the concepts of 
  democratization and rule of law has been marked by failure.  
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