Next superpower on Dec 7, 2004

Be wary of the next superpower

By Ku Er-the

 A friend of mine said at a seminar that when people speak of "anti-imperialism" or "anti-superpower" nowadays, they are referring to the US. No one seems to have thought of the fact that China will be the superpower of the 21st century. Taiwan should be more concerned about China than about the US.

A few days ago newspaper reports announced the signing of the China-ASEAN Free Trade Agreement. In 2010, together with 10 other Southeast Asian countries, China will establish a free trade area, with a view to including Korea and Japan later on. Of course, it is still too early to tell whether all of this will actually come to pass and whether it will all operate smoothly. Regardless, this is already one step toward China becoming a superpower within Asia and sets it on the path to becoming a global one.

The words "empire" and "superpower" both have negative connotations. Like the British Empire of the 19th century, the "American Empire" relies on military force in dealing with countries with which it doesn't quite see eye to eye. However, a superpower can also be an entity that maintains international political and economic order. With its decline, the British Empire was no longer able to maintain the gold standard, causing the international economic system to descend into chaos until the US rose to take its place. By the 1970s, serious trade deficits in the US obliged it to adopt a floating exchange rate, leading to more economic instability internationally for the next three decades.

In 1985, the US forced Asian countries to revalue their currencies, deeply affecting exports from countries such as Japan, South Korea and Taiwan. This even caused Japan to fall from a peak in the 1980s into a trough that would last over a decade.

As the US began to lose its ability to maintain global economic order, multilateral negotiations became all the more important. This is why in the 1980s Taiwan moved toward entering the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade, and later the WTO. Through participating in such multilateral organizations, one can guarantee one's rights in international trade.

The implications of this decline extend beyond America itself. Other countries, whose development had relied on the economic order it established, will have to make some painful adjustments. Taiwan, Korea, Japan, Hong Kong and Singapore were all hit by currency revaluation in the late 1980s, and the Asian financial crisis that occurred toward the close of the 1990s. As these countries restructured their industries, they relocated manufacturing to China, which would later become a market for their goods.

Those who bewail Taiwan's prospects tend to look at its internal problems in isolation, although each of Asia's "four little dragons," and Japan, which have relied on the US for their development, have had a bad time of it since the late 1980s.

South Korean farmers were bemoaning their situation throughout the 1980s and 1990s. More importantly, the troubles that Taiwan's farmers went through during the 1980s occurred prior to its entry into the WTO. At the time, farmers' income from alternative means surpassed income from agriculture: they had to work in factories or go into the cities to earn money for subsistence.

The fatal blow came when Taiwan's factories were moved to China. Should the rice bomber, who set off a series of bombs last year and this year, apparently in protest of rice imports, be protesting the rise of the Chinese superpower, or instead Taiwan's entry into the WTO?

The Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) government has been criticized for being inept at running the country, for playing politics and not understanding economics. They have been blamed for the recent widening of the income gap, the drain in talent, a fall in the prices of agricultural produce and slipping competitiveness in the high-tech field. In fact, their guilt is evident, but where does the solution to all this lie?

The DPP government has also been criticized for being blind to major global trends, but are their critics in fact seeing clearly? Taiwan is currently caught between a declining US power and an ascending Chinese one.

The presence of a superpower will lead to both political and economic order and this will provide both advantages and disadvantages for society. The trouble is, the ascending superpower's political intentions

concerning Taiwan are very worrying, leaving Taiwan in a weak position compared to its Southeast Asian competitors.

Taiwan's most pressing problem is how to deal with China as its power grows, and there is no easy answer to this.

Ku Er-teh is a freelance writer.

Duty and special citizens

On Dec. 2, the card-carrying Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) technocrats in the Ministry of Education announced revisions to the Special Education Staffing Standards. One of the revisions provides that each class shall have one teacher's aide for every 20 students.

Because of the low emphasis placed on education by the government, the unwillingness of the wealthy to pay reasonable taxes so that social welfare can be attuned to the very high level of economic development, and the traditional KMT denigration of Taiwanese cultures, languages and values, the institutional culture of the ministry has fostered a dull and inappropriate Confucian cultural emphasis on the would-be "scholar" as the center of social prestige.

Aborigines and other native Taiwanese have shown a great deal of entrepreneurial and cultural vivaciousness through their industriousness and resilience, which has stimulated most of Taiwan's economic development through a combination of thrift and "sweat equity." Memorizing the Analects in a spoken tongue quite foreign to the original text, unlike scoring well in physics and calculus, has had little to do with the Taiwan Miracle.

Education is wholly about the inculcation of human values and culture. Although the Constitution of the Republic of China is a nullity and irrelevant, the principles embodied in Articles 7 and 21, namely equality of all citizens under the law and the right to an appropriate education for each citizen, are universally recognized rights of all citizens and the duties of all civilized societies. Council of Grand Justices Constitutional Interpretation No. 485 holds that certain citizens are entitled to special treatment and social welfare expenditure above and beyond those available to all citizens, and that such expenditure is not only appropriate, but required by the Constitution.

One excellent deconstruction analysis of equality can be found in the teachings of my Rabbi, Manis Friedman, the dean of an all-girls high school. For more than 5,000 years, Jewish law and culture has provided that there must be at least one teacher for every 15 students, that schools must focus on improving character and inculcating civic values through peer-mediated learning known as the chavrusa method, and that certain children needing extra attention merit special resources, such as one-on-one teaching.

As Friedman explains, "We cannot demand anything on the grounds of equality, because equality remains to be seen. People are different, and necessarily so. Some are brighter, more talented and more beautiful than others. Some are better at some things and others are better at other things. And there is no morality in denying our differences. In fact, it is dangerous and immoral to predicate morality on the assumption that we are all equal, because that leaves open the possibility that, should you discover that I am in fact inferior to you, then it's all right for you to abuse me. What really is morality?

"To put it differently, if someone would say to me that I, as a Jew, am therefore inferior to him, my moral obligation would be to teach him that being inferior, he may not take advantage of me. I have no obligation to teach him or prove to him that I am not inferior. Rather, my moral obligation is to tell him, `Yes, you may be stronger than I am, this is your country, I'm just a stranger here, you've got the money, the power and the authority, but you may not take advantage of me.' That is morality. Because it does not allow for abuse or mistreatment in spite of inequality. What we need then, is not to pursue equality, but rather to pursue a universal value -- universal because it includes all people and applies to all humankind at all times.

"Under such a value, individual differences become irrelevant because each individual, all other considerations notwithstanding, is bound in equal measure by the value.

"Equality is the by-product, not the end. A society that strives to live under universal principles of morality will inevitably be one that respects the life of each individual."

Taiwan is fully capable of meeting the individual educational needs of every citizen through the provision of additional resources for disadvantaged students so that they may participate in society on an equal footing to those citizens not facing developmental and life challenges.

A Taiwan that refuses to put its money where its mouth is by refusing to respect the rights of the weak deserves no sympathy from the world community on political issues such as sovereignty, statehood or equality as a nation. A Taiwan that refuses to respect and invest in the equality of its weakest citizens cannot claim equality with other nations of the world as a full-fledged state.

If you want to know where a society's values lie, look at where the people put their money. If they invest in social welfare and meet the needs of the weakest members of society, then that is a nation whose values are right and proper. If instead they only invest in mass transit for the masses and have train stations like Sungshan, which is for all intents and purposes completely inaccessible to the disabled, then criticism stimulating more charitable and welfare spending is proper.

Taiwan deserves its seat at the table of nations but is equally bound to observe the common tenets of civilized life that unite the humane world. Investments in special citizens are a moral obligation for every society. Taiwan must not allow bitter and biased civil servants to shirk the social obligations of this great, moral and caring nation. The people deserve better from their bureaucrats, and the special citizens of Taiwan deserve better from their country than lip service to misguided notions of equality. We must answer the call of their individual voices and needs with respect and urgency as befits a people who would call themselves a state.

Paul Maas Risenhoover Executive director, WebHospital Foundation Us

Editorial: Enough with this horror movie
Successful films often fuel sequels, giving audiences the opportunity to perpetuate the satisfying illusion created in the original. In Taiwan, the presidential election and its aftermath became a real-life thriller -- but the captive public has been unable to walk out on it ever since. The tension associated with this Saturday's sequel, not unlike Speed 2: Cruise Control, is a creation that has been forced on the public, with most only wanting an end to disruption and a return to normality. As part of the new script, Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) Chairman Lien Chan  has announced that if the pan-blue camp wins a majority in the legislature, it will seek to form government, a clear indication that yet another sequel is in the works.

According to Article Two and Article Three of the Additional Articles of the Constitution, the premier is appointed by the president and does not require the approval of the legislature. Although the premier is responsible to the legislature, his position as a presidential appointee is in no way related to who holds a majority in the legislature. These articles were added to the Constitution to allow Lien to serve as vice president and premier concurrently under former president Lee Teng-hui , so Lien should be very clear about the fact that Taiwan does not operate under a Cabinet system in which the majority party has the right to form government.

Although the presidential appointment of the premier is not affected by who has a legislative majority, the premier's ability to maintain his position is. Lien's suggestion that the pan-blue camp will be able to form government if it wins a majority can therefore take place, but only as a result of vicious political fighting. The scenario would be as follows: The president appoints a premier from a minority party. The administration of the premier is boycotted by the majority party, which passes a vote of no confidence, forcing the president to dissolve the legislature and call for new elections. The opposition keeps its majority, forcing the president to bow to political realities and appoint a candidate that they can accept.

Although the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) won the presidential elections in 2000 and this year, the opposition has maintained a majority in the legislature and has constrained the government on many fronts. So far, the opposition has retained a sense of proportion, and while opposing most legislation and budget measures, has not engaged in a "scorched earth" policy of initiating a vote of no confidence, which would precipitate a political crisis. Lien's announcement makes it clear that the opposition will raise the level of its resistance if it wins a majority this time, going so far as to challenge the right of the president to appoint the premier. This will be a political battle with incalculably high political and social costs that could wear on indefinitely.

Education reform is right, and righteous

By Lu Shih-hsiang
No matter what it does, the Ministry of Education can't seem to escape censure these days. The proposal to make Taiwanese history the focus of one of four textbooks for senior-high school students has been criticized, as has the proposal to reduce the proportion of classical Chinese taught. Minister of Education Tu Cheng-sheng has been labeled many things as a result of these proposals, but the least appropriate of the labels is that of an agent of "desinicization."

The history syllabus will be covered by four books, one each for Taiwanese and Chinese history, with the other two for world history. Chinese history has not been removed, nor is its quantity any less than that of Taiwanese history, so this is hardly desinicization. The charge that reducing the proportion of classical studies is an act of desinicization is equally absurd.

The vernacular is a practical tool that we use every day. Classical Chinese is the language of the ancients, and for people today it is largely dead wood. Classical Chinese presently accounts for two-thirds of the high-school language curriculum, but much of what is learned is left behind when students graduate. In daily life, the vernacular is much more useful, as the reformer and liberal scholar Hu Shih made very clear 86 years ago. It has been proposed that the proportion of vernacular Chinese should increase to 50 or 60 percent of the total. This is a long overdue adjustment. And in any case, both classical and vernacular Chinese are part of the Chinese language. This is hardly desinicization.

Those throwing accusations at Tu are overreacting to Taiwan's search for a national identity after years of "de-Taiwanification." They are disturbed by the diverse creative energy that has been released by democratization and a search for a new identity. They wish to stop the juggernaut of change by putting derogatory and irrelevant labels on practical reforms and what is becoming a mainstream ideology.

Such forces, which go against the interests of this land and its people, are a residue of a foreign political power. Manifestations of its presence are everywhere, and this is why Taiwan is yet to become a normal country. Over the last 20 years of democratization, Taiwan has had to escape the fetters of martial law and struggle against other forms of authoritarian control which have tricked the people and limited their rights and freedoms, preventing the normal development of society. Even now, with direct presidential elections and the development of democracy entering a new phase, our political environment is still full of aberrant phenomena.

On the international front, US Secretary of State Colin Powell has denied that Taiwan is a sovereign and independent country, while domestically, the national emblem and anthem are still the same as that of a Leninist political party. The "soft coup d'etat" after the presidential election in March indicated that there are still those who believe the military is under the control of the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT), which, despite its problems with cash flow, remains the richest political party in the world. Most importantly, Taiwan still does not have a constitution that is tailored to its needs.

On the path to normality, Taiwan must rid itself of the residue of the martial law era, whether it be expressed in history, culture, politics, economics or other parts of society. In correcting these abnormalities, some over-compensation cannot be avoided, especially in the face of foreign political forces at home and across the Taiwan Strait. But reforms in line with common values and justice are a duty that cannot be neglected. History always stands on the side of the righteous.

Chen stands by name change

ELECTORAL GAMBIT: The president told a Miaoli rally that `Taiwan' was the best name for overseas offices and agencies because there would be no confusion
By Huang Tai-lin STAFF REPORTER , IN MIAOLI COUNTY
 

President Chen Shui-bian  yesterday stood by his pledge to change the names of all relevant government agencies to "Taiwan" to avoid confusing the international community.

Chen made the remarks last night while stumping for Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) legislative candidates at a campaign rally in Miaoli County.

He said that apart from government agencies based in countries that recognize Taiwan, where the national designation will remain "Republic of China," all agencies will change the country's name to "Taiwan" to emphasize the distinction between Taiwan and China.

During a speech endorsing candidates running in the county, Chen told the crowd he would be a lame-duck president if the pan-green camp was not able to control the legislature. He said Taiwan could no longer afford to engage in "social chaos" and allow "one or a couple of persons' hatred exhaust the nation" and prevent it from making any progress.

"On March 20, you gave me a chance with a second term in office. To allow me to do my work as president, I appeal to you for your support and to give me a clear pan-green majority in the new legislature so that I can deliver the promises I made during my re-election campaign," Chen said.

He urged voters to use their ballots on Saturday "to give Taiwan a chance for love, a chance for national unity."

Chen said a pan-green camp majority in the legislature would also strengthen his hand when dealing with China.

Among the other DPP heavyweights who took the stage last night to root for Miaoli candidates Tu Wen-ching and Chen Chao-ming  were Vice President Annette Lu, DPP Secretary-General Chang Chun-hsiung, Presidential Office Secretary-General Su Tseng-chang and Vice Premier Yeh Chu-lan.

In a bid for increased support in Miaoli, a region with a high concentration of Hakka residents and a traditional blue-camp stronghold, Yeh -- a Hakka herself -- and Su campaigned on the DPP administration's record of promoting Hakka culture, including the establishment of a dedicated TV channel and departments for Hakka studies in universities.

With Taiwan entering the final days of the campaign, starting today Chen will attend three or four campaign rallies nationwide every day in a last ditch effort to canvass support.

In related news, the director of the DPP's Taipei City headquarters, Huang Ching-lin, yesterday said the DPP had run into difficulties finding a location in Taipei for its final rally on Friday night.

Huang said his office applied for permission last week to hold the event, which is anticipated to attract at least 100,000 supporters.

Locations such as the Chiang Kai-shek Memorial Hall, Zhongshan Soccer Stadium and the old Sung-shan Tobacco Factory had all been turned down by the Taipei City Government, citing late applications or traffic concerns, Huang said.

Huang said the city government was acting out of political interests, a charge which city government spokesman Yu Tze-hsiang denied yesterday.

The DPP will continue looking for a more suitable location, Huang said, though the chapter had already booked Shipai Junior High School for the rally, which can only fit 20,000 people.

Chinese mushrooms' safety questioned

FUNKY FUNGUS: A DPP legislator said mushrooms from China are being clandestinely imported to Taiwan, and that they pose a health risk to consumers
By Chiu Yu-Tzu  STAFF REPORTER
 

Nearly 300 tonnes of dry oak mushrooms grown in China have been imported from a third country in the last three years, and health authorities should tackle the health risk, a legislator said yesterday.

Democratic Progressive Party Legislator Lai Ching-te yesterday released customs records of imported dried mushrooms from 2002 to this year, saying they were inconsistent with those of exporters.

In the last three years, customs documents show that the nation has imported 252 tonnes of dry mushrooms from Japan, but records there indicate only 15 tonnes were exported. Similarly, during this period of time, Taiwan imported 64 tonnes of the mushroom from South Korea, but export records there only account for 18 tonnes.

"We suspect that Chinese oak mushrooms make up the gaps. Ironically, we don't see health authorities actively checking these goods, which are easily available on the market and might jeopardize consumers' health," Lai said.

Lai said lax regulations in China made the quality of Chinese agricultural products inferior to other countries. He also added that two years ago, Japan detected residues of toxic dichlorvos at levels 28 times higher than what is acceptable on produce imported from China.

China's food safety regulations are far lower than those of its neighbors. Farmers there are permitted to use preservatives such as formaldehyde.

In addition, Singapore and Hong Kong also reported exceedingly high levels of heavy metals and pesticides in mushrooms imported from China, Lai said.

Lai also said Chinese farmers often add sulfur dioxide or formaldehyde to keep mushrooms pleasing to the eye, but these chemicals pose a threat to human health.

Responding to Lai's claims, officials at the Department of Health said regular examinations of imported items are carried out by the Bureau of Standards, Metrology and Inspection under the Ministry of Economic Affairs.

According to Hsiao Tung-ming, deputy director of the department's Bureau of Food Safety, in recent years, the government has not found levels of chemicals exceeding national standards in imported dry mushrooms.

"Consumers should be confident of governmental practices in ensuring food safety," Hsiao told the Taipei Times.

Hsiao also said that if agricultural goods failed to meet the nation's food safety regulations, more comprehensive checks are conducted.

In related developments, local mushroom farmers who face competition from imported mushrooms urged the government to protect their livelihoods.

"We are afraid that suspicious Chinese mushrooms coming into Taiwan can beat local products due to their unbelievably low prices," said Chen Tsung-ming, director-general of the Taiwan Mushroom Research and Development Association.

According to Chen, the price of high quality Korean mushrooms declared at customs in Taiwan is only 13 percent of what it costs in South Korea.

Taiwanese mushrooms cost NT$750 per kilogram, but Japanese mushrooms only cost NT$320 per kilogram.