Japan wary
of Chinese cruise missiles
AFP, TOKYO
Monday, Jan 28, 2008, Page 1
Japan is to boost its defenses against cruise missiles as China increases its
air strike capabilities, the Yomiuri Shimbun reported yesterday.
The defense ministry plans to increase the number of aircraft equipped with
airborne warning and control systems and install state-of-the-art radar to allow
early detection of precision-guided missiles, the daily said.
It is also considering developing an advanced long-range surface-to-air missile,
the report said, citing senior defense ministry sources.
The government has so far mainly focused on developing a ballistic missile
defense system, primarily in response to a perceived threat from North Korea.
China has equipped its fighter jets and submarines with cruise missiles that
have a range in excess of 1,000km, the newspaper said. Beijing is also believed
to have started developing advanced precision-guided missiles with a range of
about 3,000km, it said.
Democracy needs a
helping hand
By Michelle Wang 王美琇
Monday, Jan 28, 2008, Page 8
`In order to prevent democracy from marching
backwards and to defend Taiwan's sovereignty and pro-localization consciousness,
we must strive to the end. There is no retreat and we must win the ensuing
battle.'
THIS IS NOT rumor mongering but an imminent and present threat already looming
over Taiwan. Using democratic common sense and personal observation, we can see
that an urgent crisis is upon us.
The pan-blue camp won three quarters of the legislative seats. If Chinese
Nationalist Party (KMT) presidential candidate Ma Ying-jeou (馬英九) wins the
presidency, all five branches of government will be under KMT control and Taiwan
will return to single party rule. This is tantamount to declaring that the
efforts expended by Taiwanese for democracy in the last 50 years were in vain.
At the same time, the KMT's party assets would be rapidly legalized and continue
to generate profit. In the next 30 years, no party will be able to compete
against the KMT and democratic balance will be entirely lost.
Besides, left to Ma's cross-strait common market economic policy, Taiwan will
rapidly transition from economic amalgamation to political annexation. Taiwan's
national sovereignty will quickly be lost in misguided economic notions.
Ma's new "three noes" is merely campaign-speak, which cannot disguise his
central ideology of eventual annexation and the concrete goal of unifying China,
to be achieved through cooperation between the KMT and the Chinese Communist
Party (CCP).
If Ma is elected president, in the short term China would take him on a
"honeymoon." However, the initiative for pulling the strings does not reside
with Ma, but with China. Taiwan will eventually be imprisoned by the view that
it is part of China, from which it will not be able to escape. Taiwanese
sovereignty will be in a precarious position.
Furthermore, in the last seven years, the level of identification with Taiwan
among the public has risen from 36 percent to more than 60 percent. If the KMT
returns to power, all pro-localization education will return to focusing on
China. In other words, the issue of identifying with Taiwan or China, which has
plagued Taiwan for several years, will be inherited by the next generation. Our
generation's pain will be passed to the next and the normalization of the
country will be even further away.
Confronted with this imminent threat, we must come to realize that KMT
legislators won 5 million votes, hence we must invest more than 7 million votes
in a display of direct public will in Democratic Progressive Party (DPP)
presidential candidate Frank Hsieh (謝長廷) to give him greater public backing.
Only then will it be possible to keep a check on the monstrous force of the
legislature.
If Hsieh is elected, the 7 million votes should be given greater importance, so
that he will not be at a disadvantage.
While policy can be discussed and compromises reached in accordance with
democratic principles, political power cannot be conceded lest democratic
election and votes be rendered meaningless. If necessary, we could consider the
president's right to issue orders in an emergency as well as veto power. If the
legislature passes legislation that damages the welfare of the majority or
national interest, such as passing money-guzzling legislation benefiting
minority groups, the president could use his right to issue emergency orders to
veto the legislation.
The establishment of such a convention would make up for the shortcomings of the
constitutional framework, or force the legislature to amend the political
instability caused by the Constitution.
Friends ask me how Taiwan can be saved from this threat. I only know that our
only chance is dependent on the efforts of each individual. The KMT relies on
vote-buying to win elections, whereas we rely on our efforts. We can only depend
on determination and force of will to stem the tide.
There is no time for pessimism. In the next two months, we must work like ants
and endeavor to persuade our friends and family. We can spread our force if we
each garner five votes.
In order to prevent democracy from marching backwards and to defend Taiwan's
sovereignty and pro-localization consciousness, we must strive to the end. There
is no retreat and we must win the ensuing battle.
Michelle Wang is the deputy
secretary-general of the Northern Taiwan Society.