Bush urges Hu to reach out to Taiwan
　

DIALOGUE: In a phone conversation with George Bush, Hu Jintao thanked the US for `opposing' Taiwan's independence as well as its bids to join international organizations
　

By Charles Snyder
STAFF REPORTER IN WASHINGTON
Friday, Mar 28, 2008, Page 1

US President George W. Bush urged Chinese President Hu Jintao (胡錦濤) in a telephone conversation on Wednesday to use Taiwan's presidential election to take positive actions to peacefully resolve cross-strait tensions, the White House said.

In response, Hu indicated a willingness to reopen cross-strait talks on the basis of the so-called "1992 consensus," which stipulates that both sides concede separate interpretations of the "one China" policy. The "consensus" is not universally recognized as valid in Taiwan. Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) Legislator Su Chi (蘇起) admitted in 2006 that he had invented the term before the transfer of power to the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) in 2000.

The Taiwan issue was part of a broader discussion touching on the crisis and violent Chinese crackdown in Tibet, and the embarrassing US Air Force mistake in shipping secret nuclear intercontinental ballistic missile triggers to Taiwan, which the Pentagon admitted on Tuesday.

"On Taiwan, the president said that this weekend's election provides a fresh opportunity for both sides to reach out and engage one another in peacefully resolving their differences," a White house press release said.

Top Bush administration officials said that the Taiwanese election was one of the "triggers" for Bush's call to Hu, in addition to the other US-China issues.

"The Taiwanese election presents an opportunity to encourage China to reach out to Taiwan and to try and resolve differences," Bush's national security adviser Stephen Hadley said.

"And the president did not want to let that go by. And the election, of course, was just this last weekend," he said.

One of the things "that struck me" about the conversation, Hadley said, was that Hu "said that it is China's consistent stand that the Chinese mainland [sic] and Taiwan should restore consultation and talks on the basis of the `1992 consensus,' which sees both sides recognize there is only one China but agree to differ on its definition."

He added: "The interesting thing is whether this is an indication or a signal of a willingness to open dialogue on a basis that, in previous years, had been accepted by both parties. That was very ... pretty interesting."

Hadley described the telephone call as "a serious conversation on really all of the issues," including Taiwan, between Washington and Beijing.

Bush "wanted to ... use the relationship he's built up with President Hu over time to raise these issues and speak very clearly and frankly with him about them. And it was a very good exchange," Hadley said.

Bush's urging of a cross-strait dialogue echoes a statement he made on Saturday in congratulating president-elect Ma Ying-jeou (馬英九) on his election victory, and indicates that Bush hopes that with the departure of President Chen Shui-bian (陳水扁), chances for cross-strait dialogue that can reduce tensions and limit potential US military exposure will be enhanced.

In his congratulatory statement, Bush said: "It falls to Taiwan and Beijing to build the essential foundations for peace and stability by pursuing dialogue through all available means."

"I believe the elections provide a fresh opportunity for both sides to reach out and engage one another in peacefully resolving their differences," Bush said.

Meanwhile, China's foreign ministry released a statement about the Bush-Hu talks that focused on Taiwan and repeated much of what Washington said.

The statement, reported by the Chinese government-controlled news service Xinhua, quoted Hu as telling Bush "it is China's consistent stand that the Chinese mainland [sic] and Taiwan should restore consultation and talks on the basis of the `1992 consensus.'"

Xinhua said Hu also expressed "appreciation" to the US for its so-called "one China policy," and "opposing" Taiwanese independence, last week's referendum on UN membership and Taiwan's bids to join international organizations which require members to have statehood.

When asked for comment, KMT Legislator Ting Shou-chung (丁守中) said Hu's proposal to resume cross-strait negotiations on the basis of the "1992 consensus" would be beneficial to Taiwan, because both sides of the Taiwan Strait would be able to maintain ambiguity to interpret what "one China" means.

The DPP legislative caucus said yesterday that accepting the so-called "1992 consensus" would be the beginning of the end for Taiwan's democracy.

"From `accepting the 1992 consensus' to `signing a peace agreement' to `eventual unification.' These would be the three steps that ruin Taiwan's democracy," DPP legislative caucus whip Yeh Yi-ching (葉宜津) said.

DPP Legislator Chai Trong-rong (蔡同榮) said that the changeable nature of the Beijing government was his main concern.

"You never know what they are thinking. They can be your friends today, but hate you tomorrow," Chai said.

Ma yesterday declined to interpret Hu's comments to Bush as a reflection of the Chinese government's "good intentions."

"I need more information about their conversation before commenting further. However, the 1992 consensus is a basis for cross-strait negotiation that has been accepted by both sides," he said.

PRC media trip backfires as Lhasa monks speak out
PROTEST: A group of monks shouting that there was no religious freedom disrupted a carefully orchestrated visit for foreign reporters to Tibet's capital yesterday

AFP, BEIJING
Friday, Mar 28, 2008, Page 1
　

Monks from one of Tibetan Buddhism's most sacred temples defied China's crackdown to protest in front of visiting foreign reporters in Lhasa yesterday, voicing their support for the Dalai Lama.

The protest came as China again refused to hold talks with the exiled spiritual leader, after US President George W. Bush added his voice to calls for dialogue in an effort to solve the Tibetan crisis.

Two weeks of demonstrations by Tibetans against China's rule of the remote Himalayan region have angered authorities in Beijing and put them under international pressure as they prepare to host the Olympic Games in August.

China has insisted its response to the protests, the biggest challenge to its rule of Tibet in decades, has been restrained and that it has brought the situation under control.

However, the protest by several dozen monks at the Jokhang temple in Lhasa, Tibet's capital, indicated the resentment over Chinese rule that triggered the unrest had not been extinguished.

"We want the Dalai Lama to return to Tibet, we want to be free," the monks yelled, said one of the 26 journalists who had been brought to Lhasa for a government-controlled tour of the capital.

The monks shouted down a Chinese official who was briefing the journalists on the unrest and denounced him as a "liar."

The protest was also reported by Japan's Kyodo news agency and other media organizations on the tour, while China's state-run Xinhua news agency carried a brief dispatch on it without mentioning the monks' statements.

Kyodo said about "30 young monks" were involved, while one journalist estimated the number to be between 50 and 60.

After several minutes, the foreign reporters were ushered from the scene by their Chinese minders.

China brought the foreign media delegation to Lhasa on Wednesday for a three-day trip following international pressure to allow independent reporting from the Tibetan capital, after it was sealed off because of the unrest.

Bush telephoned Chinese President Hu Jintao (胡錦濤) on Wednesday to express his concern over the unrest and call for talks between China and the Dalai Lama's representatives.

However, Hu reiterated Beijing's position that the Dalai Lama was fomenting the unrest and trying to sabotage the Beijing Olympics, a Chinese foreign ministry statement said.

No talks were possible until the Dalai Lama gave up his independence push for Tibet and stopped "fanning and masterminding" the ongoing Tibetan unrest, Hu told Bush, the statement said.

"Especially [the Dalai Lama] must stop ... activities to sabotage the Beijing Olympic Games," Hu said.

Bush's phone call, which broke his silence on the issue, added to concerns expressed by other world leaders in recent days over Tibet, including those of French President Nicolas Sarkozy and British Prime Minister Gordon Brown.

Sarkozy said on Tuesday he may not attend the Olympics opening ceremony as a statement against the Chinese crackdown in Tibet, encouraging Tibetan exiles and activist groups who are pushing for a boycott.

China sent troops in to "liberate" Tibet from feudal rule in 1950, and the next year officially annexed the devoutly Buddhist land.

Public still support the nation's UN bid: survey

STAFF WRITER, WITH CNA
Friday, Mar 28, 2008, Page 3

　

Seventy-one percent of people responding to a Taiwan Thinktank survey said the incoming Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) administration should continue the policy of promoting the nation's bid to join the UN despite the failure of two referendums on the issue last week.

The results of the survey released yesterday revealed that 67 percent of respondents were in favor of the nation seeking UN membership, and 57 percent supported Taiwan's inclusion in the world body regardless of what name was used to apply for membership.

Meanwhile, 23 percent of respondents said the Japanese are the friendliest people toward Taiwan, while 31 percent said the US is the friendliest government.

Fifty-one percent of respondents identified China as the country least friendly, with 70 percent saying China should be condemned for its recent crackdown on protesters in Tibet.

The survey was carried out between Monday and Wednesday this week on 1,078 people. It had a margin of error of 3 percent.

Seventy-five percent of the respondents voted in last Saturday's presidential poll, 34 percent of whom cast ballots in the two referendums, with 35 percent refraining from voting in either referendum.

One of the referendums advocated joining the UN using the name Taiwan, while the other advocated rejoining the UN using the nation's official title the "Republic of China," or any other "practical" name. Both were rejected because the turnout rates did not reach the required 50 percent, although approximately 90 percent of those who voted did so in favor of the initiatives.

Liu Shih-chung (劉世忠), deputy chief of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs' Research and Planning Committee, said that although the referendums' failure had helped to reassure countries such as the US which had expressed concerns over their possible negative impact on cross-strait relations, it had also strengthened the barriers to the nation's participation in major international organizations.

"Everything is back to square one. Major countries will only support Taiwan's membership in international organizations that do not require statehood," Liu said.

Lin Wen-cheng (林文程), a professor at National Sun Yat-sen University's Institute of Mainland China Studies, agreed with Liu, saying that the failure of the referendums would inevitably impact on the nation's bid for UN membership.

While the failure of the two votes has drawn the public's attention to the need for an amendment to the Referendum Act to lower the required turnout threshold, it remains doubtful whether such an amendment would clear the legislature, Lin said.

The KMT, which holds a strong majority in the legislature, is opposed to lowering the minimum requirements for the passage of a referendum.

Memorial dedicated to victims of White Terror
　

REMEMBERING: Vice President Annette Lu called for human rights experts to look into who was responsible for the crimes of political persecution during the era
　

By Shih Hsiu-chuan
STAFF REPORTER
Friday, Mar 28, 2008, Page 4

　

A memorial was inaugurated in Taipei yesterday to commemorate victims of the White Terror era, a chapter in Taiwan's history that participants at the ceremony yesterday said still raised unanswered questions today.

The White Terror era loosely refers to the period of political persecution that began when dictator Chiang Kai-shek (蔣介石) of the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) declared martial law in 1949.

"It's unfortunate that the KMT will be back in power again when there are still many unanswered crimes of the White Terror," said writer Yang Chin-chu (楊青矗), who was arrested in connection with the Kaohsiung Incident of 1979, a pro-democracy demonstration.

Yang made the remarks at the opening ceremony of the monument erected at the Jieshou Park (介壽公園), located on the right front side of the Presidential Office Building.

The location bore two meanings -- it symbolizes people's resistance to authority as "Jieshou" means "wishing longevity to Chiang [Kai-shek]," and it also serves as a remainder to the leadership that the "White Terror should never happen again," Yang said.

During the more than 40-year White Terror era, roughly coinciding with the martial law period, about 200,000 people were imprisoned or executed for opposition to the KMT regime, according to a report released by the outgoing Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) government last year.

"Not only [do we] wish to seek out historical truth and determine responsibility, what's more, we hope to keep in mind the lessons so that whoever governs in the future will not repeat the mistakes of the past," the inscription on the monument reads. "The erection of this monument is therefore our prayer that hereafter Taiwan will become a democratic and free country honoring human rights and justice."

Since a compensation foundation was established in 1998, 8,462 victims' families had submitted applications for indemnification, out of which 6,808 cases have been approved and NT$18.7 billion in compensation has been issued.

The foundation has so far issued certificates restoring the reputations of 3,543 victims.

"Granting compensation, restoring reputation and setting up a monument are ways to rebuild society ... But only by investigating the cause of deaths and restoring the [nation's] true history can the country learn lessons and avoid the occurrence of such tragedy," President Chen Shui-bian (陳水扁) said in his speech.

Chen also called on the public to pray for Tibetans under China's violent suppression.

"Facing the monument in the other direction is the Liberty Square, where a group of people have gathered for two weeks praying for Tibet ... Everyone should come forward to urge China to renounce violence and start a peaceful dialogue with Tibet," he said.

Vice President Annette Lu (呂秀蓮) urged human rights experts to look into who was responsible for the many crimes of political persecution in the White Terror era that remain unsolved.

Lu said she once suggested the government make public the names of KMT officials, prosecutors and judges that handled political cases, but the DPP didn't dare do that because it was "too kind."

"It would be ironic if the perpetrators, who were either directly or indirectly involved in the political persecution, come into power with the new [KMT] government," Lu said.

Learning from Tibet's experience
　

By Ruan Ming 阮銘
Friday, Mar 28, 2008, Page 8

'China's strategy has been clear all along: It will hold on tight to what it already has and never let go; and it will also use threats and promises and all other possible means to obtain what it does not yet have.'

President-elect Ma Ying-jeou (馬英九) may now be basking in a round of congratulatory messages on his landslide victory in last Saturday's election, but the road ahead promises to be a tough one as he has to deal with difficult issues, both domestically and internationally.

One of these tests will be Ma's strategy on China. During the last few days of the election campaign, China cracked down on protesting Tibetans, and when Ma met with reporters after casting his ballot, he emphasized that Taiwan is not Tibet.

This is correct: Taiwan is a free country born of the global third wave of democratization, while Tibet is an area enslaved by the Chinese communists. At the moment, the two could hardly be more different.

History shows, however, that Tibet also used to be an independent country. During the Qing Dynasty (1644-1911) and the period of Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) rule over China, the Chinese government only sent representatives to Tibet, and the Tibetan government was completely independent and autonomous. The fourth point in the peace agreement that representatives of the Dalai Lama signed under Chinese pressure in 1951 stipulates that: "The Central Authorities will not alter the existing political system in Tibet. The Central Authorities also will not alter the established status, functions and powers of the Dalai Lama. Officials of various ranks shall hold office as usual."

When I met the Dalai Lama in New York in 1989, he said that after he signed the peace agreement, Mao Zedong (毛澤東) invited him to Beijing and personally promised that Tibet would be autonomously ruled by the Dalai Lama. Since the Dalai Lama was still young at the time, the central government had sent Chinese Communist Party (CCP) officials Zhang Guohua (張國華) and Tan Guansan (譚冠三) to help him, Mao said, and if they did something wrong, the Dalai Lama could report this directly to Mao. He also said that Tibet could fly two flags, the Chinese and the Tibetan. But in the end all this counted for nothing.

China's strategy has been clear all along: It will hold on tight to what it already has and never let go; and it will also use threats and promises and all other possible means to obtain what it does not yet have.

If Taiwanese can stand united to protect Taiwan's freedom, democracy, independence and sovereignty and reject the so-called "1992 consensus," the "one China" principle and a peace agreement, then China cannot turn Taiwan into another Tibet and it will not dare invade Taiwan, turning Chinese President Hu Jintao's (胡錦濤) "Anti-Secession" Law into nothing more than a useless piece of paper.

But if Taiwan is internally divided and lets China apply pressure from the outside, while having the people who have joined up with China to suppress Taiwanese independence apply pressure from the inside, this double-edged pressure could force Taiwan's president to accept the so-called "1992 consensus" and the "one China" principle, muddle over Taiwan's independence, sovereignty and democracy, and instead sign a peace agreement with Hu. China is hoping for just such a historical opportunity to turn Taiwan into another Tibet.

Ma says there can only be talk on a peace agreement on the condition that China removes the missiles it has pointed at Taiwan. This condition is not enough. Former Chinese president Jiang Zemin (江澤民) had suggested to US President George W. Bush that China could remove the missiles if the US would stop its arms sales to Taiwan and force Taiwan to talk about a "one China" peace agreement to end the hostilities. The suggestion was rejected by both the US and Taiwan.

Hu's strategy for Taiwan is the "one China" strategy. He says China is willing to discuss anything as long as Taiwan recognizes the "one China" principle and gives up its sovereignty. This is Hu using all possible means and making both threats and promises to get his hands around the throat of the Taiwanese public. As soon as he gets a hold, he will act just as Mao did against the Dalai Lama in the 1950s. The CCP will be in total control of when to tighten its grip or strangle its victim, and if this happens, Taiwanese will never again be masters of their own country.

Ma said last year in Tokyo that once elected, he would implement the common vision reached by Hu and former Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) chairman Lien Chan (連戰) and turn these into policies, plans and agreements. This is absolutely unacceptable. Ma should carefully rethink his strategy toward China instead of perpetuating Lien's acceptance of Hu's "one China" strategy.

Ruan Ming is a consultant at the Taiwan Research Institute.

Can Ma work cross-strait miracles?
　

By Sushil Seth
Friday, Mar 28, 2008, Page 8

As expected, Ma Ying-jeou (馬英九) has won the presidency. The Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) was worn out and didn't seem to be going anywhere, except backward. The economy under President Chen Shui-bian (陳水扁) had faltered, and there was a stench of corruption enveloping his family and cronies. Chen also had the "distinction" of being disliked both in Washington and Beijing. Indeed, Beijing hated him on a par with the Dalai Lama.

In other words, Ma's election victory has created a sense of relief in both China and the US. Washington worried about Chen's presumed propensity to provoke China. The US hopes that, under Ma's presidency, China and Taiwan will get along better, thus removing a regional flashpoint that has the potential of involving the US in confrontation with China.

As US President George W. Bush put it: "I believe the election provides a fresh opportunity to reach out and engage one another in peacefully resolving their differences."

Bush also pointed out that: "The maintenance of peace and stability in the Taiwan Strait and the welfare of the people on Taiwan remain of profound importance to the United States." How this all work out remains to be seen.

One thing is certain, though, that Chen's legacy of fostering a distinct Taiwanese identity is here to stay. Ma's election-time statements on Tibet and the Olympics would seem to suggest that Taipei might not do China's bidding. He has criticized Beijing's repression in Tibet, emphasizing that Taiwan might not participate in the Beijing Olympics, if things get worse in Tibet.

Ma would like to sign a peace accord with Beijing, but China would have to remove missiles targeting Taiwan.

Going by these utterances, Ma might prove a tougher nut to crack for Beijing than it thought. Or Beijing might dismiss his utterances as simple grandstanding to win the election.

But if Ma means to be assertive with China, the relationship is unlikely to be as smooth as everyone is led to believe.

For now, though, Beijing is simply relieved to see the back of Chen and his DPP. With the election over, the hard task of dealing with China will begin. And if Ma is serious that "we will not negotiate the issue of reunification with the mainland," it will be interesting to see how China will react.

Of course, to mollify China, Ma has also said that his administration will not "support Taiwan's de jure independence." He believes that within the broad concept of "one China," both sides might be free to interpret it in their own way. In other words, Taipei will seek to deal with the political side of the relationship through creative ambiguity.

That means Taiwan will maintain its identity and de facto sovereign status without challenging the broad concept of "one China" -- a status quo of sorts.

Ma might have his own reasons to believe that China will fall for this, though it didn't in the past. Either Ma is overestimating his reach or China somehow might agree to accommodate him.

There is a view that, after the gyrations of the Chen period, Beijing will settle for anything short of overt independence for Taiwan. But, so far, there is nothing to suggest that Beijing will settle for creative ambiguity on the question of Taiwan's status.

For instance, while welcoming Ma's election, the Chinese media reportedly referred to him as "leader of the Taiwan region." Indeed, there is nothing to suggest either that Beijing will consider a peace accord with the new administration.

Ma believes that his pragmatic approach to China, based on a wide-range of initiatives like developing a European-style common market, establishing direct air, sea and mail links, fostering tourism and so on, will generate enough momentum to make the relationship work. Above all, he seems to believe that after Chen, China will find him a breath of fresh air.

However, Beijing might not find much comfort in some of his statements. For instance, he reportedly said: "I have been a long-term anti-communist [and] I also recognize that mainland China is a threat to Taiwan's security, with nearly 1,000 missiles deployed against us."

For Ma, China is also "an opportunity for Taiwan's economy." Taiwan would, therefore, "need to minimize the first and maximize the second." How this juxtaposition of security threat and business opportunity would be reconciled is left unclear.

One can only hope that Ma has a clear strategy to get the most out of Taiwan's difficult relationship with China.

Having voted him into power, Taiwanese have high expectations for Ma. Will he be Taiwan's political Houdini? Time will tell.

Sushil Seth is an Australian-based writer.