China warns of threat of Tibetan `suicide squads'
　

COMMITTED: As Beijing accuses, Tibetan leaders reaffirmed their commitment to nonviolence and the head of India's soccer team refused to carry the torch

AGENCIES, BEIJING, LONDON, NEW DELHI AND PARIS
Wednesday, Apr 02, 2008, Page 1

China yesterday accused Tibetan independence forces of planning to use suicide squads to trigger bloody attacks.

The accusation was the latest in a series from Chinese officials blaming recent violence and unrest in Tibet on followers of the Tibetan spiritual leader the Dalai Lama.

"To our knowledge, the next plan of the Tibetan independence forces is to organize suicide squads to launch violent attacks," Public Security Bureau spokesman Wu Heping (吳和平) said yesterday. "They claimed that they fear neither bloodshed nor sacrifice."

Beijing accuses the Dalai Lama and his supporters of orchestrating anti-government riots in Lhasa on March 14 as part of a campaign to sabotage the Beijing Olympics in August and promote Tibetan independence.

The 72-year-old Nobel Peace Prize winner has denied the charge, condemning the violence and urging an independent international investigation into the unrest and its underlying causes.

The self-proclaimed Tibetan government-in-exile quickly denied Beijing's charges.

"Tibetan exiles are 100 percent committed to nonviolence. There is no question of suicide attacks. But we fear that Chinese might masquerade as Tibetans and plan such attacks to give bad publicity to Tibetans," said Samdhong Rinpoche, prime minister of the government- in-exile in Dharmsala, India.

"There is absolutely no doubt in our mind that we want to follow the nonviolent path," he said.

China's campaign against the Dalai Lama has been underscored in recent days with showings of decades-old propaganda films on state TV portraying Tibetan society as cruel and primitive before the 1950 invasion by Chinese troops.

The government has sought to portray life as fast returning to normal in the Tibetan capital of Lhasa -- the scene of the deadliest violence -- although its landmark Buddhist monasteries of Jokhang, Drepung and Sera were closed and surrounded by troops, tour operators said.

`TROUBLE-MAKERS'

Meanwhile, China's top newspaper said yesterday that protesters seeking to upset the Olympics would only offend China's Games-loving citizens, as the Olympic torch began a global relay sure to trigger further demonstrations.

Even before the Olympic torch arrived in Beijing on Monday, it drew protests from critics of China's restrictions on dissidents and the media, its policies on Sudan's Darfur region, and a security crackdown in Tibet.

With the torch now on a 130-day trek across the world from the Chinese capital, more demonstrations abroad are certain.

But the People's Daily said "trouble-makers" had misjudged the country's mood.

"A few clouds will not cover the sun's radiance and a few trouble-makers will not hold back the world's expectations for the Beijing Olympic Games," the paper said.

"If some think that the warm-hearted aspirations and passionate expectations of the Chinese people present an opportunity to get up to some tricks and `pollute' the Beijing Olympics, they have made a big miscalculation," it said.

IOC MEETING

International Olympic Committee (IOC) president Jacques Rogge expected to meet senior Chinese government figures, possibly including Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao (溫家寶), in the next week as the Olympic movement attempts to ease international tensions surrounding the Games.

Rogge is expected to arrive in Beijing at the end of this week as the IOC makes its last formal visit to the city before the Games and it is hoped he will meet Wen.

While the main focus of Rogge's visit will be the formal operational aspects of China's preparations, a meeting with the premier would offer Rogge the opportunity to discuss the broader implications of recent events in Tibet.

The IOC has come under increased international pressure to try to exert influence on the Chinese government since security forces stamped out demonstrations in Lhasa and surrounding regions in the middle of last month.

Rogge has said in recent weeks that as a sporting organization the IOC is powerless to exert any influence, while also claiming the Games will be a force for good in China, a position that suggests he believes the IOC is not without leverage.

He has failed, however, to satisfy critics who point to the IOC's promise, made in 2001 when China was awarded the Games, that the human-rights situation would improve as a result of hosting the Olympics.

In Calcutta, the captain of India's soccer team, Bhaichung Bhutia, said he would refuse to carry the Beijing Olympic torch during its run through the Indian capital later this month in protest over China's crackdown in Tibet.

"It's a great honor that I have been chosen to carry the torch, but at the same time I am sorry to inform that it is not possible for me to take part in the torch run for personal reasons," Bhutia said yesterday.

Bhutia, among the first athletes to refuse to run with the torch, said he faxed his decision to the IOA on Monday.

"I strongly denounce the repression and torture unleashed by the Chinese authorities in Tibet," said Bhutia, who is a Buddhist.

"This time the Olympics are going to be held in China. I don't want to carry this torch" he said. "I have many Tibetan friends and I have taken this decision to show my solidarity with them."

Amnesty International said yesterday that China's rights record was getting worse because of, not despite, the Olympics as it bids to present a united front by cracking down on dissent.

Amnesty said it was increasingly unlikely the Games would improve rights in China and urged the IOC and world leaders to speak out publicly against violations.

Politicians risk being implicated in a "conspiracy of silence" if they fail to address issues such as the Chinese government's crackdown in Tibet, the London-based group said in the new report.

It also contained fresh criticism of the IOC.

"Unless the Chinese authorities take steps to redress the situation urgently, a positive human rights legacy for the Beijing Olympics looks increasingly beyond reach," the report said.

A pre-Olympic crackdown on critics -- who the report says are targeted "in an apparent attempt to portray a `stable' or `harmonious' image to the world by August 2008" -- had "deepened not lessened because of the Olympics," Amnesty chief Irene Khan said.

Meanwhile, French Foreign Minister Bernard Kouchner said yesterday that he expected he and his EU counterparts would jointly invite the Dalai Lama to visit Brussels soon.

Decorations will stay, 228 group says
　

DEMOCRACY FOREVER: The 228 Incident Memorial Foundation has removed the kites from National Taiwan Democracy Memorial Hall, but most decorations will remain
　

By Jenny W. Hsu
STAFF REPORTER
Wednesday, Apr 02, 2008, Page 3
　

The human rights exhibit at National Taiwan Democracy Memorial Hall concluded on Monday, but the 228 Incident Memorial Foundation said it would not remove the metal scaffolding that surrounds a large bronze statue of the dictator Chiang Kai-shek (蔣介石).

The oversized canvas decorated with a wild lily - a symbol of Taiwan's student movement - and pictures depicting life during the Martial Law era will also remain at the hall, the foundation said.

Foundation member Lin Chen-feng (林辰鋒) said the organization was negotiating with the Ministry of Education on how best to transform the hall into a venue for artistic appreciation without diminishing its ability to educate visitors about the Taiwan's democratization.

The ministry said it would approve the foundation's plans provided they did not require additional funding.

Meanwhile, Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) Legislator John Chiang (蔣孝嚴), the surviving grandson of Chiang Kai-shek, visited the hall yesterday morning after learning that the foundation had removed the kites surrounding his grandfather's statue.

He expressed disappointment at the foundation's decision not to remove the other decorations it had placed in the hall.

"I regret the foundation's insistence on retaining the items surrounding the statue," Chiang said when approached for comment. "It is very inappropriate."

The hall, formerly known as Chiang Kai-shek Memorial Hall, is a source of contention between the KMT and the Democratic Progressive Party.

DPP, KMT fail to agree on Tibet resolution draft
　

By Jimmy Chuang Jenny W. hsu
STAFF REPORTER
Wednesday, Apr 02, 2008, Page 3

“The KMT supports the DPP’s position, which is that violence and violations of human rights should be condemned.”— Hsieh Kuo-liang, acting secretary-general of the KMT caucus

The legislature's Procedure Committee yesterday decided to put off discussion of a resolution on China's handling of the recent unrest in Tibet until Friday, after the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) and Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) failed to reach an agreement on the content of the resolution.

The DPP caucus submitted its draft of a resolution on Monday.

"The Chinese government should be condemned for its use of military force to oppress Tibetans, and for interfering with and interrupting media coverage of events," the draft said.

The KMT's draft, meanwhile, states that: "The human rights of Tibetans should be defended. The Chinese government should respect the value of human rights and ensure that human rights are protected in Tibet."

Asked to comment, Hsieh Kuo-liang (謝國樑), acting secretary-general of the KMT caucus, said that the DPP's draft resolution was too harsh.

"The KMT supports the DPP's position, which is that violence and violations of human rights should be condemned. However, the DPP's draft is too harsh. That is why we came up with a draft that is less likely to increase cross-strait tension," Hsieh said.

DPP Legislator Tsai Huang-liang (蔡煌瑯), meanwhile, said that the DPP's version simply reflected the "truth." Tsai said the party's policy was that Tibetans should be able to determine their own future.

In related news, Taiwan Friends of Tibet president Chow Mei-li (周美里) yesterday condemned KMT Legislator-at-Large Liao Wan-ju (廖婉汝) for suggesting that Tibetan supporters in Taiwan had been mobilized by the Ministry of National Defense's Military Intelligence Bureau in a bid to influence the outcome of the presidential election.

Chow said Liao should be disciplined by both the Legislative Yuan and the KMT for his comments.

"I urge all supporters of Tibet to express their strongest condemnation of Liao," she said.

Tashi Tsering, vice president of the Tibetan Youth Association, accused Taiwanese legislators of caring only about what was going on in their own country. Meanwhile, he said, Tibet had captured the attention of the rest of the world.

"The [Tibetan independence] movement was initiated by people who were willing to risk their lives to protest against unfair treatment. The Tibet issue has captured the attention of the world and it is impossible that it was orchestrated by outside forces," he said.

Chow said Liao's ignorant remarks had shamed Taiwan's hard-won democracy and made the country an international laughing stock.

She also criticized Hsieh for saying that Taiwan's condemnation of China had created an uneasy atmosphere across the Taiwan Strait.

"China will never respect or reciprocate such submissive behavior. If Taiwan doesn't stand firm on the side of freedom and human rights, Taiwan will have no friends to turn to when it one day needs help," Chow said.

Is Beijing playing the West - again?

Wednesday, Apr 02, 2008, Page 8

As dozens of protesting monks interrupted a group of foreign journalists being escorted through Lhasa last Thursday, one thing was made amply clear: Despite what China says, the situation in Tibet is not under control.

Once again, Beijing is devastating its own credibility a la "SARS 2003" by denying any legitimate causes for discontent and depicting Tibetan unrest as unprovoked "terrorist" attacks coordinated by the Dalai Lama.

But this time Beijing has an advantage: The political landscape has changed significantly. Its influence has grown in direct proportion to its economic clout, and the effects of this are clearer than ever.

Nineteen years ago, the EU responded to Beijing's violent crackdown on demonstrators at Tiananmen Square by imposing an arms embargo.

By contrast, over the weekend, EU foreign ministers meeting in Slovenia issued a statement on the situation in Tibet that could only be described as toothless and unconvincing. Leaders essentially contented themselves with hoping for better days in Tibet, without recognizing the underlying problems that have fueled discord there or condemning Beijing's crackdown on all manifestations of dissent, including peaceful protests.

Compared with many government responses to the situation in Myanmar only six months earlier, the West is saying disappointingly little about why Tibetan monks would be willing to risk their personal freedoms by marching on the street, an action that can mean years in China's extrajudicial laogai - or re-education through labor - camps.

Few top politicians seem willing to raise Beijing's hackles over Tibet - US House Speaker Nancy Pelosi and German Chancellor Angela Merkel being notable exceptions. The reasons for this are well-known to Taiwanese, as the nation has watched its pool of allies gradually evaporate under the heat of China's fierce economic growth.

Taiwanese, Tibetans and all others who suffer from Beijing's authoritarianism face the same dilemma: An international community that is increasingly inclined to turn a deaf ear to their calls for help and a blind eye to blatant oppression.

Yet while China's undeniable political and economic sway risks silencing critics abroad, it is not the only lesson to be learned from the past weeks.

China has once again shown its ultra-sensitivity to Western criticism of its record - even weak criticism - and that is a sentiment that opens doors. It is something for Taiwanese and Tibetans alike to seize upon and a tool that human-rights activists have harnessed in the past with promising results. Beijing's desire to escape further chastising over its rights abuses led to its welcoming a UN special rapporteur on torture for the first time in 2005; it led to the release of high-profile Uighur rights activist Rebiya Kadeer the same year; and led authorities to escort foreign diplomats on a tour of Lhasa last week.

But if the international community does not push beyond these first crucial steps, those efforts will remain purely symbolic, leading to little in the way of concrete change. Furthermore, there is a risk that China will become increasingly adept at manipulating these gestures to erect a facade of sincerity.

Never before had democratic countries been so reliant on a single authoritarian regime than they are on China in today's globalized economy. If the result is that governments inscreasingly refrain from criticizing oppressive regimes, their talk of promoting universal human rights will become mere guff.

But as China has shown very little initiative of its own for democratic reform, the West may come to regret having offered its silence on human-rights issues at such a cheap price.

Will localization take a back seat?
　

By Wu Jieh-min 吳介民
Wednesday, Apr 02, 2008, Page 8

Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) presidential candidate Ma Ying-jeou (馬英九) defeated the Democratic Progressive Party's (DPP) Frank Hsieh (謝長廷) by more than 2.2 million votes in the March 22 election. This was a major setback for the DPP and could be a major blow to Taiwan's self-awareness movement. But does this mean that the localization movement will be demoralized?

This is hard to determine in the short term and needs close monitoring. It will also depend on how the localization movement is perceived from an East Asian and a global perspective.

The second transfer of power must be analyzed from two angles: democracy and localization.

Looking at the nation's political development from the perspective of global history, Taiwanese can be proud of the nation's democratic achievements.

First, through liberalization and regular elections, the nation has evolved in the past 20 years from an authoritarian state to bring about transfers of power.

Second, like other democratic states, Taiwanese fought long and hard for freedom. From the anti-colonial movement during the Japanese occupation through the post-war 228 Incident and White Terror era, the previous generations made many sacrifices for the nation's democratization. Taiwan's process of change began in the mid-1980s, when democracy activists Deng Nan-jung (鄭南榕) and Chan I-hua (詹益樺) gave their lives to fight for the freedom of expression and independence. Compared to many other countries, however, Taiwan has paid a relatively low price for its democracy.

Third, Taiwanese society has a diverse ethnic composition, with most of the population consisting of Han Chinese immigrants. Taiwan is a fine example of a predominantly ethnic Chinese country to democratize. In this respect, Taiwan is far ahead of China, and this is a good foundation for self-confidence as the nation is about to open up to China.

Will these democratic achievements be rolled back now that the KMT has regained control over massive political resources? I believe this will not happen. The reason for my optimism is that regular elections have become a systemic tool for transferring power. Democracy will not simply decline because the old authoritarian party has regrouped and returned to power.

However, KMT-style corruption that lined private pockets with public money through construction projects and wheeling and dealing had been perfected long before the transfer of power to the DPP. One example is enough: When People First Party Chairman James Soong (宋楚瑜) was provincial governor of Taiwan, large sums were spent on useless and ugly public construction projects. With the KMT back in power, will there be more wasteful and corrupt development projects that ruin the environment? On this point I am not optimistic.

Many factions, blue-leaning businesses and unemployed politicians have been "starving" for eight years. One can only imagine how they are gathering around the table, itching to get their hands on their share of the feast. Will Ma be able to control these factions and businesses? His ability has not yet been tested. Ma's government will have to prove through real action and achievements that the KMT is not the authoritarian party it once was.

Although Taiwan is a new democracy, its election system is stable and secure. The most important task in the coming years will be to protect the foundations of the democratic system. It still needs the checks and balances provided by an opposition party, and citizens to watch it and closely supervise it. We should not forget that more than 40 percent of the ballots were cast for Hsieh. It would be adding insult to injury for DPP supporters if the party collapses instead of engaging in reform and self-criticism.

Returning to the issue of local identity, Ma also advocates identification with Taiwan, but his ideas and past record are very different from those who have long cultivated the idea of localization. May 20 will soon be upon us. We should pay close attention to several issues.

First, will the characters dazhong zhizheng be put back up on the gates of Liberty Square?

Second, will localized textbooks be revised? Many lawmakers in the KMT-dominated legislature are of the same ilk as the four who stormed into Hsieh's campaign headquarters just before the election, and if they demand that dazhong zhizheng be restored or textbooks be changed, these issues will likely be brought to the legislative floor soon.

Third, the core of Ma's political vision is to deregulate economic relations with China. How will the Ma administration react if Beijing insists that Taiwan accept the "one China" principle as a precondition for allowing direct flights and more Chinese tourists to visit Taiwan?

These three issues will be the touchstone for determining if the KMT will harm localization now that the party is back in power. This is the first important test to determining what kind of national leader Ma will be since these difficult issues can easily re-ignite the identity conflict between pan-green and pan-blue camps. Being in office is not like swimming or jogging, nor is it like a walk in the countryside. Ma's first round will be far from easy.

Wu Jieh-min is an associate professor at the Institute of Sociology and the Center for Contemporary China of National Tsinghua University.