KMT chairman Wu accepts invitation to travel to China
　

By Mo Yan-chih
STAFF REPORTER
Sunday, May 18, 2008, Page 1

Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) Chairman Wu Poh-hsiung (吳伯雄) yesterday accepted an invitation from Chinese President Hu Jintao (胡錦濤) to visit China to initiate a new round of party-to-party negotiations after Tuesday’s transfer of power.

Wu, who would be the first ruling party chairman to visit China, will arrive in Nanjing on May 26, meet Hu in Beijing and visit Taiwanese business groups in Shanghai before returning to Taiwan on May 31.

KMT Secretary-General Wu Den-yi (吳敦義) said the chairman felt Hu was sincere in wanting to improve cross-strait relations and accepted the invitation to seek increased exchanges, which would help president-elect Ma Ying-jeou (馬英九) carry out his campaign platform.

“The invitation reflected the mainland’s attachment of growing importance to Taiwan’s new political situation and cross-strait developments after Mr Ma’s inauguration on May 20,” Wu Den-yi told a press conference yesterday at KMT headquarters.

Wu Den-yi unveiled details of the KMT chairman’s trip after China’s Xinhua news agency reported yesterday that Hu had sent the invitation to Wu Poh-hsiung.

Future talks between Taiwan’s Straits Exchange Foundation (SEF) and China’s Association for Relations Across the Taiwan Straits (ARATS), the implementation of cross-strait direct charter flights and opening up of Taiwan to Chinese tourists will be on the agenda during the trip, Wu Den-yi said.

Wu Den-yi said the Wu-Hu talks would proceed on the basis of mutual trust with the goal of a win-win situation for both.

About 25 party officials and staff will join Wu Poh-hsiung during the trip and the team will also discuss ways to assist China with reconstruction in the aftermath of the Sichuan earthquake, Wu Den-yi said.

The KMT chairman’s plan to visit China was confirmed following former KMT chairman Lien Chan’s (連戰) meeting with Hu last month.

Tashi back from Japan after protest
　

UNPLANNED: The exiled Tibetan was released from 20 days in detention after his decision to speak out during the Nagano leg of the Olympic torch run
　

By Loa Iok-sin
STAFF REPORTER, IN TAOYUAN
Sunday, May 18, 2008, Page 2
　

Tashi Tsering (札西慈仁), an exiled Tibetan with a Taiwanese passport, returned to Taiwan to a hero’s welcome yesterday after being detained in Japan for over 20 days over his protest during the Nagano leg of the Olympic torch relay last month.

On April 26, Tashi, the vice president of the Tibetan Youth Congress’ Taiwan chapter, ran over to police and attempted to approach the torch while shouting, “Free Tibet.”

Police immediately arrested him under the charge of forcible disruption of business.

Tashi was then detained at the Nagano Central Police Station — first for 48 hours, but two extensions totaling 20 days followed.

Finally, the court decided to release him after he paid a fine of ¥500,000 (US$4,797).

Prior to Tashi’s arrival yesterday, Tibetans and Tibet support group members gathered inside the Terminal 2 arrival hall at Taiwan Taoyuan International Airport.

They held a banner that read “welcome back, Tibetan hero,” and some brought bouquets of flowers and khatas — traditional silk scarves that Tibetans use to greet or show respect to someone.

As soon as Tashi walked out of the customs area, his friends rushed to shower him with gifts and hugs.

“I’m very grateful for all the help everyone — in Taiwan and in Japan alike — has given to me,” Tashi told those who were there to welcome him.

“I know many groups and individuals in Taiwan have worked hard to get me out of detention,” he continued. “I received hundreds of letters from people everywhere that gave me support and encouragement — I’m really grateful for it.”

Besides efforts by Tibet supporters and human rights groups in Taiwan, the Tibet Support Network Japan also helped to raise donations to pay for the fine and his flight ticket back to Taiwan, a Taiwan Friends of Tibet member on the scene said.

Tashi also explained why he decided to go over the police line to protest.

“I didn’t plan to do it at first,” he said.

“But I kept hearing Chinese there making humiliating comments about Tibet and the Dalai Lama — they even called him a madman,” Tashi said, bursting into tears. “So I just felt that I couldn’t take it anymore, and wanted to speak out.”

Tashi said he felt sorry for bringing the Japanese police so much trouble.

“I’m not opposed to the Olympics, I just wanted to seize the opportunity to tell the world about the terrifying conditions in Tibet,” he said.

Tashi’s family fled to India after China invaded Tibet in the 1950s. However, many of their friends and relatives remained in Tibet and were killed by the Chinese.

Although born in India, Tashi said that he always feels emotionally attached to Tibet.

“Tibetan independence is the dream of my parents, and I will strive to fulfill that dream,” he said.

Ma silent when told '1992 consensus' is a fabrication, former president says
　

By Shih Hsiu-chuan
STAFF REPORTER
Sunday, May 18, 2008, Page 3
　

Former president Lee Teng-hui (李登輝) said at a book launch yesterday that president-elect Ma Ying-jeou (馬英九) had remained silent when he told him that there is no such thing as the so-called "1992 consensus."

The “1992 consensus” refers to an agreement that was ostensibly reached during cross-strait talks in October 1992. It postulates that both sides of the strait would adhere to the “one China” principle, but reserved the right to interpret the term “one China” differently.

Lee, who was president at the time, said he told Ma that people involved in the talks didn’t mention the “1992 consensus” and that the term was created by individuals who had nothing to do with the talks.

The conversation took place when Ma visited Lee after he was elected president in March.

Su Chi (蘇起), recently appointed secretary-general of the National Security Council for the incoming administration, admitted in February 2006 he had made up the term in 2000 as the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) was readying to hand over power to the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP).

Su, then chairman of the Mainland Affairs Council, said he invented the term to break the cross-strait deadlock and alleviate tensions.

Lee, on the other hand, said the term was invented to confuse the DPP administration.

He made the remarks while attending an event to mark the release of a four-volume oral history of his early life, beliefs and philosophy, political life and ideas about economics and industrial development.

Academia Historica began recording the material in June 2006.

N Korea welcomes US food aid
　

'Dire need': The US Agency for International Development said that the country risked another famine, a decade after up to 1 million people died of starvation

AFP, SEOUL
Sunday, May 18, 2008, Page 5

North Korea welcomed yesterday a US decision to provide the impoverished country with food aid, saying the move will help promote "understanding and confidence" between the two countries.

“The DPRK [Democratic People’s Republic of North Korea] is ready to provide all technical conditions necessary for the food delivery,” Pyongyang’s official Korean Central News Agency said.

“The food aid of the US government will help settle the food shortage in the DPRK to a certain extent and contribute to promoting the understanding and confidence between the peoples of the two countries,” it said.

The US said on Friday it will send 500,000 tonnes of emergency food aid to North Korea over the next year under a deal with Pyongyang permitting better monitoring of deliveries.

The US Agency for International Development (USAID) said it hoped shipments, which were suspended in January 2006 when Pyongyang “severely limited humanitarian monitoring and access,” would resume next month under the deal.

“We’re responding to a situation in dire need,” USAID spokesman David Snider said as US experts warned that North Korea faced the risk of a new famine, a decade after up to 1 million people died of starvation.

Snider said North Korea itself estimates it is 1.5 million tonnes short of its minimum requirements to prevent a critical food shortage, but he added that outside experts fear the gap could be even greater.

South Korean President Lee Myung-bak said on Friday he believed humanitarian aid should be dealt with separately from political issues.

“Large-scale economic cooperation or investment in the North should be carried out in accordance with the pace of progress in the nuclear issue,” Lee said when he met with New Zealand Prime Minister Helen Clark in Seoul.

“However, I think we should offer humanitarian aid ... regardless of the nuclear issue,” he said.

He said he was “concerned” whether outside help for the North might be seriously cut because of high food prices in the world.

He made the remarks a day after his foreign minister Yoo Myung-hwan said Seoul wanted direct talks with North Korea to discuss providing food aid, apparently softening Seoul’s position that Pyongyang must first ask for help.

The “understanding” to resume US food aid followed talks in North Korea, focusing on finding better ways to monitor deliveries.

The kinds of food to be distributed will be determined by a joint assessment conducted over the next few weeks, the USAID statement said.

Experts will meet in Pyongyang “in the near future” to work out details of the aid.

Chronic food shortages in the North worsened this year because of soaring grain prices, crop damage following floods last summer and dwindling foreign donations.

The North, which staged its first nuclear test in October 2006, is disabling its plants under a deal reached last year.

Polls do not a democracy make
　

By Jackson Yeh 葉國豪
Sunday, May 18, 2008, Page 8

The Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) is calling the Papua New Guinea diplomatic fund scandal a “fraud case” in an attempt to keep its impact and damage incurred in the realm of administrative and political responsibilities and to clear itself of any responsibility for alleged corruption. The logic behind this is that the public would accept a failed attempt to forge diplomatic relations but would not forgive government officials for lining their pockets with public funds in the name of secret diplomacy. Either way, the scandal has insulted the wisdom of the public and made it lose confidence in the nation’s democratic development.

It would not be a trick question to ask how far the nation is from true democracy. Despite the fact that Freedom House still ranked Taiwan as a “free” nation last year, in the area of “political rights” Taiwan has regressed.

In terms of structural development, Taiwan, as an emerging democracy, has a representative government, regular elections and the freedom of association and speech. As far as political participation is concerned, the turnout for recent elections has remained sufficiently high, but the extreme politicization of public issues has caused people to worry. However, these indexes do not meet expectations for the actual functioning of democracy and its quality.

Democratic elections alone cannot eliminate corruption, guarantee civil rights or keep politicians from violating the Constitution. What political scientists call “non-liberal democracy” is prevalent in many countries such as Peru, Pakistan, the Philippines, Iran and Russia. These countries lack deeply rooted equality in civil society and a constitutional tradition of checks and balances, which often leads to politicians who abuse their power, ignore public opinion and infringe upon human rights after obtaining “legitimacy” through elections. The public is thus forced to continue to exercise their “democratic” choice in an environment unsuitable to fair political competition.

Taiwan should remain vigilant lest it slips and turns into a “non-liberal democracy.” It is both internally and externally faced with even harsher democratic challenges than most countries. Over the past 20 years of democratization, Taiwan has produced several charismatic political leaders including former president Lee Teng-hui (李登輝), President Chen Shui-bian (陳水扁) and president-elect Ma Ying-jeou (馬英九).

However, these politicians often fail to maintain humility before the Constitution or even deny its very existence after assuming office. The contributions made by Lee and Chen to the country’s democracy are contentious because politicians tend to abuse the state apparatus and are constantly involved in corruption and malfeasance after taking office, while the public is unable to do anything about it.

Internationally, Taiwan has a crisis of identity to deal with on its path toward strengthening its democracy. Domestically, it lacks an effective constitutional system. These major problems are not likely to be resolved in the near future. Beijing’s suppression of Taiwan’s international space and the public’s concerns over the increasing outflow of manufacturing appear to have provided a social foundation for the demonization of China. Because of the public’s bitterness, politicians haven’t sought to gain a real understanding of the problem. Instead, their hostile attitude toward China leads to shortsighted cross-strait policy.

The legitimacy of the Constitution has been challenged time and again, but the more than 10 years of constitutional amendments only show that the Constitution has been used as a tool: a product of power struggles and allocated interests.

The ridiculousness of the Papua New Guinea diplomatic fund scandal is not accidental, but the twisted result of the lack of transparent oversight and balance of power, the failure of government officials to maintain administrative neutrality and govern according to the law and the suppression and unjust treatment Taiwan receives in the international realm. Politicians have time after time used loopholes in the system to shake off blame and responsibility.

The Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT)’s win in the presidential election was not only the result of public anger and disappointment in the DPP, but also demonstrates that voters had no real choice. No one is very optimistic about whether the KMT will continue to strengthen Taiwan’s democracy. It is evident that having elections isn’t necessarily enough to save the nation’s democracy.

Taiwan must seriously consider the risk of falling into a “non-liberal democracy” and build a usable system of checks and balances.

Jackson Yeh is a project coordinator in the Hong Kong Institute of Asia-Pacific Studies at the Chinese University of Hong Kong.

Time to rethink diplomatic tactics
　

By Liao Kun-jung 廖坤榮
Sunday, May 18, 2008, Page 8

‘In terms of real diplomatic benefits, the Buddhist Compassionate Relief Tzu Chi Foundation can win a lot more international respect than the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.’

For many days, the Papua New Guinea diplomacy case involving former vice premier Chiou I-jen (邱義仁) has been at the center of media attention. The embezzlement of funds intended for aid in exchange for diplomatic relations clearly shows the flaws in the diplomatic system and the harsh reality that huge diplomatic investment is not cost-efficient. Government officials appear content to abuse authority and revel in diplomatic games outside the official framework.

Often, the excuse that diplomatic affairs are matters of national security is enough to hoodwink the public so that huge sums can avoid legislative supervision and a select group of officials can engage in dollar diplomacy through brokers.

The US has also practiced secret diplomacy. Former president Richard Nixon sent his national security advisor Henry Kissinger on a secret trip to Beijing in July 1971 to sell out Taiwan. In order to finance contras in Nicaragua, former president Ronald Reagan sold arms to Iran without the knowledge of the US Congress, resulting in a political crisis that almost led to his resignation. The secret diplomacy of the US occurs almost entirely on the fringes of the law and those involved try to avoid congressional or media scrutiny. There are many examples of how morals are compromised when there is a lack of oversight.

With Taiwan diplomatically isolated since it left the UN in 1971, the government seems to have caught a “diplomatic isolation-phobia.” Taiwan has followed the lead of the US, and on the way it succumbed to the delusion that it has to build diplomatic relations with as many countries as possible.

Every minister of foreign affairs has been pressed to build new diplomatic relations, regardless of whether the countries are large or small, rich or poor — even tiny islands. Relations are sought by all means necessary.

Such scrambling for diplomatic allies results from the misunderstanding that if Taiwan can establish diplomatic relations, then it has foreign relations, making it an independent country. The new government of president-elect Ma Ying-jeou (馬英九) should concentrate not on increasing the number of diplomatic allies, but on breaking through the country’s “diplomatic isolation-phobia.”

In terms of real diplomatic benefits, the Buddhist Compassionate Relief Tzu Chi Foundation can win a lot more international respect than the Ministry of Foreign Affairs; the laptop computers made in Taiwan are more famous than the country itself and Taiwan’s agriculture and its small to middle-sized businesses attract more international attention than its foreign policy.

One can’t help but ask what Taiwan has to show for its many years of dollar diplomacy. The structural limitations to the country’s space in international relations are mostly caused by the fact that China is so much stronger than Taiwan. A framework of international power sets these limitations: Even with the help of a diplomatic deus ex machina, a change in the situation would be impossible. In any case, how can we expect the two greedy brokers called on by Chiou and former minister of foreign affairs James Huang (黃志芳) to change the existing structure of international political power?

The only things that the government needs to do are change the frame of mind with which it rules the country and cure itself of its “diplomatic isolation-phobia.” Since the difficulties of Taiwan’s international relations are not easy to solve, the government should turn its attention to domestic affairs. Every minister in the past has earnestly pledged to boost foreign relations, but rarely have they said they want to improve domestic affairs.

Are issues like dredging Taiwan’s rivers, maintaining sewer systems in cities, improving the living environment, rounding up fraud gangs, putting a stop to drug abuse, supporting farming villages and the agricultural industry, developing alternative energy resources and dealing with pollution all less pressing than international relations?

Chiou’s actions await judicial investigations. The Papua New Guinea case may well turn out to be only the tip of the iceberg — who knows how many fraudulent cases of secret dollar diplomacy will be exposed in the future? I hope that Chiou’s case will not only demonstrate the greed of diplomatic “brokers” and the difficulties inherent in foreign relations, but also provide an opportunity to reform.

Ma’s new government should rethink Taiwan’s misguided ideas on boosting foreign relations. Instead of thinking about becoming a major player in international relations, Taiwan should appreciate the value of being a small country on the rise. Large funds currently used for dollar diplomacy could be used to fund national construction instead. The country can look to Singapore — with its image of clean governance, order and dignity — and work to build itself into a democratic country free of corruption, rather than pursuing diplomatic relations at any cost.

Liao Kun-jung is dean of the Department of Political Science at National Chung Cheng University.