Ma welcomes Beijing's reaction
　

By Ko Shu-ling and Flora Wang
STAFF REPORTERS, WITH AFP
Friday, May 23, 2008, Page 1

President Ma Ying-jeou (馬英九) yesterday welcomed Beijing’s response to his inaugural address and urged both sides to establish mutual trust and resume bilateral communications.

“Basically, it was a gesture of goodwill,” Ma said when asked for comment during his first press conference with the local press corps yesterday afternoon. “We hope to talk about issues of mutual concern.”

The head of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) Central Committee’s Taiwan Work Office, Chen Yunlin (陳雲林), said yesterday that both sides were making “positive” efforts to resume negotiations.

“Currently, good momentum is emerging in cross-strait relations, bringing a rare and important opportunity,” Chen was quoted as saying by Xinhua news agency.

“Both sides are making efforts to restart negotiations and discussions based on the ‘92 consensus, and are making relevant preparations,” he said.

The so-called “1992 consensus” describes the notion that both sides concede separate interpretations of the “one China” policy, but it is not universally recognized as valid in Taiwan.

Chen’s remarks were China’s first response to Ma’s inauguration speech on Tuesday, in which he offered to reopen dialogue based on the “1992 consensus” and promised not to enter an arms race with China.

“We understand, trust and care about Taiwan compatriots and respect the desire of Taiwan compatriots to be masters of their own destiny,” Chen said before adding that China would “continue to oppose and contain ‘Taiwan.”

He said China would not abandon its “fundamental policy of realizing peaceful unification of the motherland.”

Ma said yesterday that cross-strait relations had stagnated over the past eight years.

He urged Beijing to seize an “historic opportunity” and work for the common well-being of the people on both sides of the Taiwan Strait.

Ma said the second track of communications between the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) and the CCP will complement the inefficiency of the official channel.

In a press release responding to Chen’s comments, the Mainland Affairs Council (MAC) said it was pleased to see Beijing’s resolve to “set aside differences, strive for a double win “as the preface to resuming cross-strait dialogues.

The council said Taiwan has already set up appropriate mechanisms to allow the talks to resume and hopes the goals of commencing weekend direct charter flights and allowing Chinese tourists to come to Taiwan would be reached by July as anticipated.

Director of the KMT’s Mainland Affairs Department, Chang Jung-kung (張榮恭), said KMT Chairman Wu Poh-hsiung’s (吳伯雄) visit to China next Monday highlighted both sides’ intention to ignore controversial issues, seek more consensus and create a win-win situation through frequent negotiations.

Wu will head a 16-member KMT delegation on a six-day trip to China, during which he is scheduled to meet Chinese President Hu Jintao (胡錦濤).

KMT Legislator John Chiang (蔣孝嚴), a member of the legislature’s Diplomacy and National Defense Committee, said Chen’s remarks conveyed positive messages about the development of cross-strait relations.

“I believe the negotiations between the Mainland Affairs Council and the Association for Relations Across the Taiwan Strait [ARATS] that have been suspended for a long time will soon be resumed,” he said.

KMT Legislator Lee Chia-chin (李嘉進), who is close to the new Straits Exchange Foundation Chairman Chiang Pin-kung (江丙坤), said Chen’s remarks were equivalent to a “gift” and “goodwill” to Wu.

Chen’s words could pave the way for Wu to make “substantial achievements” during the trip, Lee said.

Meanwhile, KMT Legislator Lin Yu-fang (林郁方) praised Ma’s comment that the KMT-CCP communications would remain and would not overlap with official channels.

“There will be more flexibility if the party serves as the ‘vanguard’ while the government serves as the ‘rearguard,’” Lin said.

“Therefore, I think it is very important to allow the platform to work,” Lin said, adding that it is impossible for the platform to override the government as only the latter has the final say in cross-strait affairs.

The Democratic Progressive Party (DPP), however, criticized Beijing’s reaction to Ma’s inaugural address as a “hackneyed tune,” and urged the KMT government to uphold sovereignty at the negotiation table.

A close aide to DPP Chairwoman Tsai Ing-wen (蔡英文), who asked to remain anonymous, said Chen’s remarks were nothing new because Beijing’s position has always been that they are only willing to resume bilateral communications if Taiwan accepts the “1992 consensus.”

He said that cross-strait stalemate during the DPP administration was the result of Beijing’s determination to link the “1992 consensus” to its “one China” principle and set it as the precondition for bilateral negotiations.

Chen’s remarks just showed Beijing’s Taiwan policy remains unchanged, the aide said, adding that the KMT should not push cross-strait development at the expense of downgrading Taiwan’s national sovereignty.

While cross-strait negotiations should be conducted by the government, the aide said that it was very inappropriate for Beijing to weaken the authority of Taiwan’s government by engaging in second track communications with the KMT.

The DPP will closely monitor the KMT government’s performance to protect Taiwan’s sovereignty, he said.

The aide urged Beijing to abandon its agenda before undertaking exchanges with Taiwan rather than setting preconditions, because that attitude had led to the present deadlock.

Beijing should forsake its old thinking, remove the obstacles for negotiations and respect the “status quo” in the Taiwan Strait and Taiwan’s sovereignty to move cross-strait relations in a positive direction, he said.
　

History will vindicate the Chen presidency
　

By Cao Changqing 曹長青
Friday, May 23, 2008, Page 8

The achievements and mistakes of former president Chen Shui-bian (陳水扁) during his eight years in office will, for most people, be equated with those of the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) government, though they cannot be compared so easily.

Chen left office when his popularity was probably at its lowest ebb. There was constant criticism from the pan-blue camp, the attacks of the “red shirt” crowds on his propriety and the impact of former first lady Wu Shu-jen (吳淑珍) being prosecuted over the “state affairs fund.”

But another important factor was the DPP’s defeat in elections for heads of local government and in the legislative elections.

Not only were there complaints from within the DPP over these losses, certain party members even endorsed the “red shirt” anti-corruption push and called on Chen to withdraw from the party.

Even so, over time, Chen will gain a certain degree of recognition and his reputation will be vindicated. He has made important contributions to both the pan-green camp and the nation.

During the eight years of DPP rule, almost all of the leading figures in the pan-green camp enjoyed the spotlight on the nation’s political stage. Whichever way you look at it, Chen was the best among them. If he hadn’t run for president for the DPP in 2000 and 2004, the pan-green camp wouldn’t have had a chance of winning. This was the biggest contribution Chen made to his party and to the pan-green camp, as well as being his greatest personal accomplishment.

Taiwanese democracy made great progress during Chen’s terms. After the transition of power, and even with the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) refusing to return its stolen assets and a flawed legal system, Chen still managed to eke out a two-party political environment. In terms of freedom of speech and freedom of the press, Taiwan is ranked the best in Asia. The nationalization of the military also ensured the survival of democracy. In a way, the KMT’s subsequent election victories reflected the confidence that the Taiwanese public have in their political system.

There has also been a change in the way Taiwanese identify their nation and themselves. Seventy percent consider themselves “Taiwanese,” up from 30 percent in the past, and up to 80 percent have said that Taiwan is a sovereign state. The Chen administration held three referendums, including one on applying for UN membership under the name “Taiwan” and another rectifying the names of state-run enterprises. Neither passed, but the process deepened the consciousness and autonomy of Taiwan.

This is Chen’s greatest legacy, and acts as a firm foundation for the DPP to get back on its feet.

Of course, there were also failures during Chen’s terms in office. The KMT cooperated with the Chinese Communist Party in boycotting much of the legislative process, retained its stolen assets and enjoyed the support of people brainwashed by its half century in power, while the DPP failed to make much headway as a minority in the legislature.

Chen also seemed to lack confidence in his second term. He placed too much trust in members of the New Tide faction and compromised too readily with the pan-blue camp, thus failing to uphold the party’s mission and principles.

Still, when former British prime minister Margaret Thatcher left office, her popularity was at its lowest point. But recently a British historian ranked her as the best British prime minister. A recent British survey also had Thatcher topping the list, followed by Winston Churchill.

History gives politicians the status they deserve, and the same will happen for Chen.

Cao Changqing is a political commentator based in the US.