Washington-based group slams opposition arrests
WHITE TERROR REDUX?: FAPA
asked the US to speak up in response to the ‘deterioration of human rights and
democracy in Taiwan’ after recent detentions
By Charles Snyder
STAFF REPORTER IN WASHINGTON
Sunday, Nov 02, 2008, Page 1
A prominent Taiwanese-American organization on Friday accused the Ma Ying-jeou
(馬英九) administration of eroding Taiwan’s democracy during his term, and charged
it with conducting a spate of “politically inspired” arrests of opposition
leaders over the past two weeks.
The organization, the Formosan Association for Public Affairs (FAPA) based in
Washington, asked the US government to express its concern over what it called
the “deterioration of human rights and democracy in Taiwan” under the Chinese
Nationalist Party (KMT) administration of Ma.
In its biting statement, FAPA, a leading pro-green lobbying group, also recalled
the days of martial law “White Terror” under earlier KMT rule.
The arrests — coming just before a visit from China’s top cross-strait
negotiator, Association for Relations Across the Taiwan Strait (ARATS) Chairman
Chen Yunlin (陳雲林) — have resulted in the detention of four Democratic
Progressive Party (DPP) politicians and the indictment of a fifth on charges
ranging from corruption and embezzlement to assault.
The latest case involved former National Security Council secretary-general
Chiou I-jen (邱義仁), who was detained on Friday on suspicion of embezzling
US$500,000 from a diplomatic fund.
Chiou, who is also a former deputy premier, was considered in Washington to be
one of the prime diplomatic and political liaisons between the administrations
of Chen Shui-bian (陳水扁) and US President George W. Bush through much of the Chen
administration.
His detention came within days of other indictments and detentions. Tainan City
Councilor Wang Ting-yu (王定宇) was indicted in connection with a melee in which
visiting ARATS Vice Chairman Zhang Mingqing (張銘清) fell to the ground during a
visit to Tainan in advance of Chen’s trip. DPP Chiayi County Commissioner Chen
Ming-wen (陳明文) and former environmental protection minister James Lee (李界木) were
both detained.
Complaining about the Ma administration’s legal action against those four
officials, FAPA also cited the Oct. 15 arrest of former interior minister Yu
Cheng-hsien (余政憲) in Kaohsiung on corruption charges.
In a statement, FAPA president Bob Yang (楊英育) called the prosecutions unfair and
a violation of the officials’ basic rights.
“We also question the fairness of the procedures: While one or two of the
accused have been formally charged, the majority are being held incommunicado
and without charge,” he said.
“This is a severe contravention of the writ of habeas corpus and a basic
violation of due process, justice and the rule of law. In the meantime, the
prosecutor’s offices leak detrimental information to the press. This kind of
‘trial by press’ is unacceptable,” Yang said.
In urging the US government and Congress to express “their deep concern” over
the situation, Yang said, “the present cases endanger the progress made during
the 21 years since the end of the Kuomintang’s [KMT] martial law in 1987. As
members of the Taiwanese-American community, we believe that a return to the
KMT’s ‘White Terror’ days of 1945 to 1987 should be avoided at all cost.”
Yesterday in Taipei, former vice-president Annette Lu (呂秀蓮) also condemned the
government for its detention of Chiou and other aides of the former president,
calling the detentions a violation of human rights.
“I’ve not seen such large-scale detainments since the Kaohsiung Incident. It
seems like the prosecutors detained people before finding any evidence, and I
feel disturbed by such a procedure,” she said.
The Kaohsiung Incident, also known as the Formosa Incident, was an
anti-government demonstration organized by Formosa Magazine on Dec. 10, 1979.
The event turned into a violent confrontation, and as a result, Lu and seven
other pro-democracy activists were arrested by the former KMT government.
Lu said recent developments in the allegations against former president Chen
Shui-bian and his former aides were “unbelievable” to her, adding it was
difficult for her to believe that what the prosecutors have said was all true.
Protesters
heckle Ma ahead of meeting
HEAD OF STATE: During an
interview with a radio station, the president vowed to protect Taiwan’s
sovereignty, joking that he hoped he would be called ‘president’
By Jenny W. Hsu And
Mo Yan-chih
STAFF REPORTERS
Sunday, Nov 02, 2008, Page 3
“You [would] bet he calls me [President Ma]? I hope you win.”— President Ma Ying-jeou
|
Liang Chen-hsiang,
a Changhua County councilor of the opposition Democratic Progressive
Party, shouts slogans yesterday as police remove him from the Longshan
Temple in Lukang Township during President Ma Ying-jeou’s visit. His
shirt bears the words “Taiwan is an independent sovereign state.”
|
Protesters in Changhua County heckled President Ma Ying-jeou (馬英九)
yesterday ahead of tomorrow’s arrival of Association for Relations Across the
Taiwan Strait (ARATS) Chairman Chen Yunlin (陳雲林) for a second round of
cross-strait negotiations.
Dozens of pan-green protesters accused Ma of “selling out” Taiwan and shouted
“Ma Ying-jeou, step down!” as he arrived for a dedication ceremony for a
century-old Buddhist temple in Lukang Township (鹿港).
Holding up banners that read “Taiwan is a sovereign, independent country” and
“Traitor to Taiwan,” the protesters chanted against what they called Ma’s
China-leaning policies and said that “Regional Head Ma” must step down
immediately before he destroys Taiwan’s hard-won democracy.
A minor scuffle broke out when protesters, led by a Democratic Progressive Party
(DPP) councilor, tried to confront Ma inside the temple. Police apprehended
several protesters and dragged them out of the temple.
“Ma’s personal police won’t let me go worship in the temple,” one protester
angrily yelled, saying he lost his religious freedom when the police prohibited
him and his group from entering the temple ground.
Ma did not acknowledge the protesters and made no comment.
Later, during an interview with a local radio station in Taichung, Ma vowed to
protect Taiwan’s sovereignty as the nation’s leader, while joking about placing
a bet with the radio show host over whether Chen would address him as “President
Ma” when they met this week.
“You [would] bet he calls me [President Ma]? I hope you win,” the president told
the radio show host.
Ma said later that he would implement his “three noes” policy in handling
relations with China.
The “three noes” referred to no pursuit of unification, no Taiwanese
independence and no use of force.
Meanwhile, former vice president Annette Lu (呂秀蓮) yesterday urged Ma to skip the
meeting with Chen in order to prevent the country’s sovereignty from being
belittled.
“President Ma should not meet Chen if he sees himself as the leader of the ROC.
His rank is higher than Chen’s, and the people in Taiwan should protest if he
insists on meeting Chen,” Lu told a press conference yesterday after returning
from a trip to Mexico.
“ARATS is not an official organization, and President Ma should not act like a
daughter-in-law who is going to meet the Chinese in-laws,” she said, adding that
Premier Liu Chao-shiuan (劉兆玄) should also refuse to meet Chen.
Lu further condemned the government for deploying over 7,000 police to maintain
public order for Chen’s upcoming visit of Chen, while calling on DPP members and
supporters to treat the Chinese official as a guest and demonstrate a democratic
spirit to the Chinese delegates as long as he does not humiliate Taiwan’s
sovereignty during his visit.
“We should give Chen Yunlin a chance to see that Taiwan is a democratic
sovereignty and that we have our own culture,” she said.
DPP Chairwoman Tsai Ing-wen (蔡英文) said that Chen must refer to Ma as “president”
if they meet, or Ma must cancel the meeting if he refuses to do so.
Tsai hunger
strike stoked by ‘helplessness’
FEEBLE: During his hunger strike, chairman of the Taiwan Association of University Professors Tsai Ting-kuei has only had water, but has received intravenous nutrition
By Shih Hsiu-chuan
STAFF REPORTER
Sunday, Nov 02, 2008, Page 3
|
A group of young people show
support on Friday for Taiwan Association of University Professors
chairman Tsai Ting-kuei, seated, who is staging a hunger strike outside
the Legislative Yuan in Taipei to push for an amendment to the current
Referendum Law. PHOTO: LO PEI-DER, TAIPEI TIMES |
On Friday night, more than 1,000 people gathered outside the legislature,
flashlights in hand. Encircling the legislature and shining their lights at the
compound, they called on the country’s lawmakers to overhaul the Referendum Law
(公民投票法).
The demonstrators were there in support of Tsai Ting-kuei (蔡丁貴), chairman of the
Taiwan Association of University Professors (TAUP), who was on day seven of a
hunger strike intended to call attention to what he said were fundamental
problems with that law as well as the legislative election system.
“Hand in hand, protect civil rights,” the protestors chanted. “Amend the
Referendum [Law]. Safeguard Taiwan.”
In an interview with the Taipei Times, Tsai said it was a “feeling of
powerlessness” that led him to adopt the approach of a hunger strike.
OPPOSITION
Tsai decided to stage the hunger strike during the Oct. 25 rally organized by
the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) in opposition of the current
administration’s cross-strait policies.
After the march ended, he began his hunger strike outside the legislature,
without even telling his wife of his plan. Other TAUP members held a sit-in
protest.
“I didn’t want to go home and wait for the next time I get a call to take to the
streets again. The rally was a success but it was not enough, because the KMT
always turns a deaf ear to us,” Tsai said.
“How much longer can we tolerate [President] Ma [Ying-jeou (馬英九)], who is about
to capitulate to China?” he asked, referring to Ma’s statement that he hoped to
sign a peace accord with China during his term.
AGREEMENT
As described by Ma in an interview with the India and Global Affairs quarterly,
the peace agreement would come once economic relations with China have been
normalized. This included normalizing direct air and sea links, which was on the
agenda for the second round of cross-strait talks in Taipei this week.
In July, cross-strait charter flights were launched and the quota for Chinese
tourists raised to 3,000 per day.
Tsai called Ma’s steps “clearly a timetable for Taiwan’s unification with
China,” and added that this week’s visit by Association for Relations Across the
Taiwan Strait Chairman Chen Yunlin (陳雲林) for the talks made amending the
Referendum Law even more “imperative.”
The checks-and-balances system enshrined in the Constitution is being
undermined, Tsai said, adding that the KMT had won an overwhelming majority in
the legislature because of the “flaws” of the new electoral system, Tsai said.
CRITICISM
Tsai’s criticism centered on the “single district, two votes” system adopted for
the legislative polls in January. Tsai said this resulted in disproportional
results in terms of the population of each constituency compared with the votes
received by each political party.
Under the new system, the KMT won 58.12 percent of the votes but won 81 seats of
the legislature’s 113 seats, while the DPP’s 41.88 percent of the vote gave it
just 27 seats.
Because of this imbalance, Tsai said the public must exercise its right to
initiate referendums to veto Ma’s cross-strait policies, which he said were
selling out national interests to Beijing.
The problem, he said, was that the plebiscite law was “toothless.”
Since the Referendum Law was promulgated in 2003, it has been dubbed a
“birdcage” law by critics who said the thresholds for putting a referendum
proposal on the ballot and passing it were excessively high.
To apply for a referendum, the signatures of 0.5 percent of all eligible voters
in the most recent presidential election — approximately 80,000 — must be
collected. An additional 5 percent of the population — appropriately 800,000 —
must sign the petition before the referendum can be put to a vote.
For the results of the referendum to be considered valid, more than 50 percent
of the electorate — approximately 8 million people — must vote on it.
“These unreasonable thresholds limit direct democracy and deprive the people of
their right to decide the future of the country,” Tsai said.
Tsai’s voice was feeble.
During his hunger strike, he has only had water, refusing food, but has received
intravenous nutrition.
The 60-year-old hydraulic engineering professor from National Taiwan University
was sent to the hospital for a health examination after joining the 1,000 or so
people at the rally in front of the legislature on Friday night in a wheelchair.
He then called off his hunger strike temporarily, and Wu Li-hui (吳麗慧),
secretary-general of the TAUP, began her own.
Tsai promised to continue his hunger strike once his doctor allowed it, saying
that he looked forward to seeing young and old people alike join in supporting
reform.
A
three-pronged confidence crisis
By Lai I-Chung 賴怡忠
Sunday, Nov 02, 2008, Page 8
Debate on the so-called mobbing of Association for Relations Across the Taiwan
Strait (ARATS) Vice Chairman Zhang Mingqing (張銘清) in Tainan last week has
focused on whether the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) should draw a line
between itself and those involved so that its image won’t be tarnished.
Commentators have largely overlooked the real problem here: There is a high
degree of uncertainty about Taiwan’s future and a crisis of confidence about the
nation’s sovereignty.
A concern that Taiwan will disappear as a country within four years is gradually
spreading. The lack of confidence among Taiwanese, the incompetence of Ma’s
government and gloom over the economy are the biggest problems at this time.
They are also the factors that sparked the incident with Zhang and will likely
lead to protests against ARATS Chairman Chen Yunlin’s (陳雲林) next week.
This crisis is a result of three factors.
Today’s international environment is unfavorable to Taiwan’s development. In
terms of security, the US, bogged down as it is by the Iraq War and the War on
Terror, has been paying scant attention to East Asia while China’s influence has
grown significantly. In Japan, unstable domestic politics have made the country
very cautious, causing it to take a step backward in diplomacy. Since the
US-Japan alliance is key to security across the Taiwan Strait, Taiwan’s
situation in the face of such developments is worrisome.
These worries have been further deepened by the impact of the global economic
downturn on the national strength of the US and Japan. International security
and the economic order are being reshaped and there is an impression that
dictatorships seem to be able to respond more effectively to market competition.
As a result, democratic values are being downgraded in assessing international
strategic interests. While Taiwanese have been told repeatedly that Taiwan does
not necessarily have legitimacy simply because it is a democracy, the public’s
interpretation is that the international community may no longer be willing to
assist Taiwan against annexation by a dictatorship. In fact, the US has warned
Taiwan several times by pointing to its non-intervention in Georgia.
The next factor is international relations. China has not ceased efforts to
downgrade and obstruct Taiwan since Ma’s election. China has continued
deployment of missiles targeting Taiwan. In response to Ma’s capitulationist
line that Taiwan should seek “meaningful participation” in UN activities rather
than full membership, China not only blocked Taipei’s efforts but also stressed
that such proposals must be dealt with first through cross-strait talks. This
set a precedent for Taipei having to ask Beijing’s permission to participate in
the international community. Only then would Taiwan have room to exercise its
initiative in international relations.
As for Ma’s remark during Zhang’s visit that there would be no war in the next
four years, Zhang publicly embarrassed Ma by making the thinly veiled threat
that “there will be no war if there is no Taiwan independence.” Considering
Zhang’s haughty attitude during his visit to Taiwan and his complete disregard
for Taiwan’s democratic diversity and desire for peace, what can we expect when
Chen arrives?
China’s actions also lend substance to speculation before the Olympic Games that
it might adopt a tougher stance. Is unification now on the agenda as China’s
strength reaches new heights following the Games? Worthy of note is that Beijing
is facing a power transfer in four years’ time, and it is not certain that Ma
will be reelected in 2012. Many observers believe Beijing sees this four-year
period as an unmissable opportunity, and that constructing a framework under
which Taiwan has no chance of independence has become a priority between now and
when Chinese President Hu Jintao (胡錦濤) and Premier Wen Jiabao (溫家寶) retire. This
is a cause of much concern in the pro-independence camp.
Finally, Taiwan’s society lacks confidence in the determination of Ma’s
government to safeguard national sovereignty. That the government is incompetent
is hardly in dispute. Some observers believe that the government is looking to
greater business exchanges with China to save its declining approval ratings. To
achieve this, it has yielded again and again on the sovereignty issue. Concerns
over the government’s willingness to sacrifice Taiwan’s sovereignty in exchange
for commercial gains have grown stronger as it leans heavily toward China, a
trend that runs contrary to both Ma’s campaign promises and public expectations.
The unfavorable international situation, a powerful China and the weak stance of
Ma’s government on the sovereignty issue are causing a crisis of confidence in
Taiwan’s sovereignty. An extreme variant of this concern is the prediction
circulating that Taiwan will perish as a country within four years. Why did
Zhang’s remarks trigger disturbances? How does Chen’s visit differ from regular
cross-strait talks? The problem lies in public doubts.
Today, Taiwan is suffering from waning confidence in the market economy and
government performance. If, in addition, the public loses confidence in Taiwan’s
sovereignty, a matter crucial to the country’s sustainability, the pressure of
social anxiety will be even more intense. Even if the incident with Zhang had
not taken place, something similar could well happen when Chen or other Chinese
officials visit. Zhang’s case is then a political leadership lesson for both the
ruling and opposition camps. The question it poses is: Who can face such social
anxiety pragmatically and propose new visions that can overcome that anxiety?
Whoever can do that will be the one who can lead Taiwan’s society forward.
Lai I-chung is an executive committee
member of Taiwan Thinktank and former director of the Democratic Progressive
Party’s Department of International Affairs.