TAHR slams
Ma over rights abuses
TOP 10 VIOLATIONS: The rights
association said that instead of exporting Taiwanese democracy to China, the
government has imported Chinese repression
By Jenny W.
Hsu
STAFF REPORTER
Wednesday, Dec 10, 2008, Page 1
“Even Ma once vowed to give the streets back to the people, but the reality
is the government still asserts power over protesters.” — Lin Chia-fan, TAHR
deputy chairperson
The suppression by police of protests during last month's visit by a Chinese
official topped this year's top 10 human rights violations, the Taiwan
Association for Human Rights (TAHR) said yesterday, urging the government to
stop sabotaging the nation's hard won democracy by promptly amending the
Assembly and Parade Law (集會遊行法).
“President Ma Ying-jeou (馬英九) said he wants to export Taiwan's democracy to
China. Instead, the government has imported the Chinese government's oppressive
tactics into Taiwan,” TAHR deputy chairperson Lin Chia-fan (林佳範) said, slamming
Ma for lacking credibility.
Official figures showed that more than 100 protesters and police officers were
injured in clashes last month during several demonstrations against the visit by
Association for Relations Across the Taiwan Strait Chairman Chen Yunlin (陳雲林).
During Chen's five-day visit, there were reports of unwarranted police searches,
police ripping Republic of China flags from people's hands, apprehending people
for waving the flags and a record store being shut down for playing a pro-Taiwan
song.
While the pan-green camp and human rights groups, including Freedom House and
Amnesty International, panned the government for denying the public freedom of
expression, the administration insisted it had done nothing wrong, dubbing the
demonstrators “lawless mobs and vigilantes.”
Foreign academics, including former American Institute in Taiwan director Nat
Bellocchi and Ma's Harvard professor Jerome Cohen, have called on Minister of
Justice Wang Ching-feng (王清峰) to establish a fair and impartial judicial system
as a number of former Democratic Progressive Party leaders, including former
president Chen Shui-bian (陳水扁), have been detained on suspicion of corruption.
Judicial Reform Foundation executive director Lin Feng-cheng (林峰正) said the
mistreatment of these detainees exemplified government abuse of human rights.
Lin said that in Taiwan, the accused do not enjoy full client and lawyer
confidentiality because their conversations while in detention are recorded.
No defendant would feel comfortable disclosing all the details to his counsel
for fear of incriminating himself in court, Lin said.
Other rights violations on the list include the coerced relocation of two
Aboriginal tribes from their homeland to make room for public infrastructure
construction projects, the forced closure of the Losheng Sanatorium to
accommodate the expansion of an MRT line and the widening of the legal
parameters for law enforcement officials to collect DNA samples from suspects.
A prompt amendment to the assembly law is the only answer to Ma's plummeting
approval ratings, Lin Chia-fan said.
“Martial law has been lifted for more than 20 years. The Assembly and Parade Law
has also been denounced as unconstitutional. Even Ma once vowed to give the
streets back to the people, but the reality is the government still asserts
power over protesters,” he said.
In a true democracy, he said, individuals are guaranteed freedom of assembly and
should not have to seek police permission to stage a public protest.
He also criticized the amendment proposed by the Cabinet after a month-long
sit-in protest by students demanding changes to the law, saying it was a
“laughingstock” because the draft only varied in word, but not in content.
|
FREE AS A
BIRD A lone black-faced spoonbill is pictured on the shores of Taiping River in Taitung yesterday. Taiwan is one of the main wintering sites for the rare wading birds, which migrate to the Koreas in summer. PHOTO: HUANG MING-TANG, TAIPEI TIMES |
KMT Dalai
Lama tactics slammed
REVERSAL OF SUPPORT: Last
week at a meeting with foreign press, President Ma said the timing was not
appropriate for a visit from the Nobel Peace laureate
STAFF WRITER, WITH CNA
Wednesday, Dec 10, 2008, Page 2
The Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) yesterday accused the Chinese Nationalist
Party (KMT) of being dishonest after a DPP-proposed resolution inviting the
Dalai Lama to speak at the legislature passed the Procedure Committee but was
put low on the agenda for Friday’s plenary session.
DPP Legislator Tsai Huang-liang (蔡煌瑯) said he suspected KMT lawmakers of
purposely placing the item at the bottom of the agenda in the hope it would be
scrapped on a technicality.
Tsai said the KMT wanted to appear to welcome the resolution, but did not want
the Dalai Lama to visit.
“They want to save face but they also plan to axe the resolution,” he said.
Last week at a meeting with foreign press, President Ma Ying-jeou (馬英九) said the
timing was not appropriate for a visit from the Nobel Peace laureate and Tibetan
spiritual leader. His comment marked a reversal of the support he voiced for the
Tibetan movement during his presidential campaign earlier this year, when he
also said he hoped the Dalai Lama would come to Taiwan.
Friday’s plenary session has 12 items on the agenda so far, including the
Cabinet’s consumer voucher plan and matters related to the Election and Recall
Law and public television.
Meanwhile, Kaohsiung County Commissioner Yang Chiu-hsing (楊秋興) joined Kaohsiung
Mayor Chen Chu (陳菊) and the DPP in welcoming the Dalai Lama to visit.
“The majority of Taiwanese support [the] Dalai [Lama] visiting. We are studying
the possibility of inviting world religious leaders, including [the] Dalai
[Lama], to attend an interfaith religious exchange that could be called the
‘religious United Nations,’” he said at a meeting of the county government.
DPP Chairperson Tsai Ing-wen (蔡英文) also welcomed a visit by the Dalai Lama.
“The Dalai Lama is a courageous and respectful leader as well as a symbol of
hope, freedom and human rights in Tibet. He has fought for the freedom of Tibet
and raised world awareness and concerns about the difficulties and challenges
facing Tibet today. He is a world-respected religious and political leader,”
Tsai said in a statement.
“If the Dalai Lama thinks my invitation ... appropriate, it would be a pleasure
for me and the DPP to invite him,” the statement said.
Activists
express hopes for an independent Tibet
CAMPAIGN: Tenzin Dorjee said
that while many in Tibet wanted to resist the Chinese, their government told
them that being ‘nice’ was the right thing to do
By Loa Iok-sin
STAFF REPORTER
Wednesday, Dec 10, 2008, Page 2
Although they have never set foot on Tibetan soil, Canadian-born Students for a
Free Tibet (SFT) executive director Lhadon Tethong and Indian-born deputy
executive director Tenzin Dorjee shared their dream of an independent Tibet and
views on some current issues in Taiwan during an interview with the Taipei Times
yesterday.
“I consider myself a Tibetan and a Canadian both at the same time,” Lhadon said,
while sitting in a meeting room at Fujen Catholic University (FJU) before
delivering a speech with Tenzin about Tibetan history and the Tibetan struggle
to gain independence from China to a group of FJU students yesterday afternoon.
In fact, the FJU was the sixth university that Lhadon and Tzenzin have spoken at
since their arrival in Taiwan last Wednesday, and there are two to three more
universities to come in their schedule.
Lhadon’s father was a Tibetan refugee in India, while her mother was a Canadian
who worked at Tibetan refugee camps in India for 12 years.
Although Lhadon was born and raised in Canada and barely speaks Tibetan, she can
understand it and still has a strong sense of Tibetan identity.
“My feelings for Tibet are very strong — although we’re far apart,” Lhadon said.
“My inspiration came from [the story of] our parents and story of our people,
and for a large part, from the Dalai Lama.”
AMONG TIBETANS
Lhadon said that she grew up among Tibetans in Canada, listening to stories of
elders in the community who had lived under Chinese rule.
“Since I was little, I have been going to March 10 rallies, shouting ‘free
Tibet,’ and when I wrote essays and papers at school, I wrote about the Tibet
issue — so [supporting the Tibetan cause] became naturally just part of us,” she
said.
Later in life, Lhadon grabbed every possible opportunity to attend speeches by
the Dalai Lama whenever he visited North America.
“His messages are about love and peace, but they are so strong,” she said.
She became an activist after leaving home for college in the small city of
Halifax, Nova Scotia in eastern Canada, where the majority of the people were
Caucasians who didn’t know much about the Tibet issue.
“The people there [in Halifax] knew little to nothing about Tibet, so I felt it
was my duty to start a chapter [of the SFT] there,” Lhadon said.
Hence, with a few classmates, Lhadon began to organize candlelit vigils or film
festivals about Tibet.
“It’s quite challenging to put yourself out there for something as important as
the Tibet issue in a foreign community,” she said. “But I told myself: ‘you have
to do this’ — and gladly, people were friendly and open-minded about the issue.”
SIMILAR SITUATION
Tenzin, who was born and raised in Dharamsala, India — the seat of the Tibetan
government in-exile — before moving to the US at the age of 18 to attend
college, experienced a similar situation.
“It was difficult at first,” Tenzin said. “First, in India, everybody thinks the
same way, but it’s not the case in the US. I was not able to fully express
myself in English, and I was brought up in a more conservative culture in which
people are less encouraged to speak out.”
But once Tenzin took the initial step, he found it surprisingly rewarding.
“Although it’s more challenging to campaign for the Tibetan cause in the US,
it’s actually more inspiring — it’s good to see people from different countries
getting together for the same cause,” he said.
“I would say I’m being a little selfish when I’m in it, because I’m a Tibetan,
but when I saw people who are not Tibetans also in the movement, I know they’re
showing the bright side of human beings,” Tenzin added.
MA COMMENT
When asked to comment on President Ma Ying-jeou’s (馬英九) recent remark that the
timing is not appropriate for the Dalai Lama to visit Taiwan at the moment,
Tenzin said he felt sad.
“I don’t feel sad for the Dalai Lama, but I feel sad for my friends in Taiwan —
it deprives them of the freedom of religion, and their right to learn from the
Dalai Lama,” he said. “I’m a Buddhist, and I know how it feels.”
Tenzin then added that the incident shows that “the dictatorship in China not
only undermines the freedom for Tibetans in Tibet, but also freedom in other
countries.”
He also warned the Taiwanese to be cautious when developing a relationship with
China.
He said that while many Tibetans insisted on resisting Chinese invasion in the
late 1940s and early 1950s, the Tibetan government at the time tried to convince
the people that “if we’re nice to the Chinese, they would be nice to us as well”
and some even suggested that working with the Chinese could improve the economy
in Tibet.
“For a little gain, we’ve lost the entire economy; to appease the powerful
neighbor, we’ve plunged into the greatest tragedy,” Tenzin said.
“We learned a bitter and harsh lesson. We don’t want our tragedy to happen to
anyone else. We don’t want that to happen to the Taiwanese people,” he said.
“Absolutely do not trust [the Chinese].”
Documentary
on brutality during Chen visit released
By Rich Chang
STAFF REPORTER
Wednesday, Dec 10, 2008, Page 2
|
People at the
National Taiwan University Alumni Club in Taipei yesterday watch the
premiere of a documentary about alleged excesses by police in the name
of national security during last month’s visit to Taiwan by Chinese
envoy Chen Yunlin. The screening was arranged by the Taiwan Society and
the Washington-based Friends of Taiwan. PHOTO: LO PEI-DER, TAIPEI TIMES |
A pro-independence organization yesterday released a documentary
recounting how the police used excessive force to block people from expressing
their opinions and protesting during the visit of Chinese envoy Chen Yunlin
(陳雲林), and said the documentary would be delivered to several international
human rights organizations in the hope they would pay more attention to Taiwan’s
human rights situation.
“By producing the documentary, we hope to draw the attention of international
society [to the fact] that human rights in Taiwan have been seriously violated
and democracy has been jeopardized during President Ma Ying-jeou’s (馬英九)
administration,” Secretary-General of the Taiwan Society Lo Chih-cheng (羅致政)
told a press conference yesterday.
The documentary was shown during the press conference. The film contained
footage of national flags being taken from people carrying or waving them by
police officers, police pushing protesters and people injured in clashes with
police officers, and police officers rushing into a record store and forcing it
to close while it was playing a patriotic Taiwanese song.
International human rights worker Lynn Miles said that Taiwan had been a free
country.
Foreigners who visited Taiwan usually felt it was freer than many other
countries. But Taiwan’s human rights were jeopardized during the Chen incident,
Miles said.
He said as a human rights worker living in Taiwan for many years, he could not
believe what happened during Chen’s visit.
Former Government Information Office (GIO) minister Shieh Jhy-wey (謝志偉) said Ma
was schooled in the authoritarian tactics of the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT),
and that he never really understood the ideas of human rights and democracy. Ma
had done nothing in his life to promote human rights or democracy, Shieh added.
The Ma administration’s alleged misuse of the Taiwanese justice system and
police to undermine human rights have drawn international criticism in recent
weeks.
Freedom House — the US-based pro-Democracy group — has called for an independent
investigation into violent clashes between police and activists protesting the
visit to Taiwan by Chen.
The International Federation for Human Rights has also charged that arrests and
violence during the visit were “grave violations of human rights under the
pretext of national security,” and a substantial number of foreign experts on
Taiwan called for reform in two open letters published by the Taipei Times.
Amnesty International called for the Control Yuan to conduct an independent
inquiry into alleged excessive police force during the protests last month.
Human
rights advocates air concerns
DEJA VU: Threats to civil
liberties and freedom of the press as well as pretrial detentions of opposition
figures have led some to feel they are back in the Martial Law era
By Ko Shu-ling
STAFF REPORTER
Wednesday, Dec 10, 2008, Page 3
|
An
independence activist places flowers in front of the Tucheng Detention
Center, Taipei County, yesterday in support of former president Chen
Shui-bian. PHOTO: AFP |
On Dec. 10, 1948, the UN General Assembly adopted the
Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Sixty years later, Taiwan prides itself
on its peaceful democratization. However, many human rights and media watchdogs,
both local and international, have expressed concerns over an increase in human
rights violations and restrictions on civil liberties since President Ma Ying-jeou
(馬英九) took office in May.
RESTRICTIONS ON CIVIL LIBERTIES
Freedom House has called for an independent investigation into the violent
clashes between the police and protesters during the visit of Chinese
cross-strait negotiator Chen Yunlin (陳雲林) early last month.
Amnesty International has asked that the Control Yuan address the serious
concerns raised by civil society in Taiwan and that the Ma administration end
the practice of using the Assembly and Parade Law (集會遊行法) to deny freedom of
assembly.
The International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH) has expressed deep concern
over the detention and attacks against citizens protesting peacefully during
Chen’s visit, describing such arrests and violence as “grave violations of human
rights, under the pretext of national security.”
The FIDH has requested that the National Police Agency and National Security
Bureau be held responsible for violating their legal obligations.
The FIDH has also called on the Ma administration to amend the Assembly and
Parade Law, saying it is “a legacy of the martial law era.”
In particular, the group has asked the government to abolish the requirement for
mandatory permits and instead adopt a system of voluntary reporting.
It also says that the clause that restricts assemblies from being held in
certain areas gives the authorities too much discretion to restrict people’s
freedom of association and freedom of expression.
Lin Chia-fan (林佳範), deputy chairman of the Taiwan Association for Human Rights,
said the draft amendments to the Assembly and Parade Law proposed by the
administration were far from perfect and his association would continue to push
for more relaxed legislation.
The Executive Yuan last week approved amendments to the law that would remove
the power to grant or deny protest permits from the police, but would offer them
new powers to bar or alter demonstration plans in certain cases.
Lin berated the administration for taking drastic and unnecessary measures
during Chen’s visit, including clearing highway lanes by force, confiscating and
damaging private property and restricting the freedom of citizens’ movement.
While the police should remain politically neutral and serve the interests of
the people, Lin said citizens were restricted from displaying or carrying the
national flag and peacefully expressing their opinions.
“It is like we are reliving the Martial Law era,” he said. “Those who carry
China’s five-star flag were left alone, but those carrying the Republic of
China’s flag were harassed and even attacked. It is outright suppression of
personal freedom and only shows degradation of human rights.”
Lin said Ma could have turned the demonstrations to his advantage and used them
as a bargaining chip with Chen, but he decided to stand together with Chen and
suppress the Taiwanese.
As the Ma administration did not respond positively to the demands of the Wild
Strawberry Student Movement, students decided on Sunday to leave the Liberty
Square where they staged the sit-in, he said.
Lin said that the students could learn one lesson from the month-long
demonstration: A one-party government can get away with almost anything if there
is no powerful opposition in place to serve as an effective check-and-balance.
“But the protest is far from over,” Lin said. “The students have started the
fire and now they are spreading it. When there comes a day for them to return to
the streets, they will quickly reassemble.”
SUPPRESSION OF PRESS FREEDOM
In addition to suppressing freedom of expression of citizens, journalists
covering the demonstrations were assaulted and some photojournalists were
pressured to help find potential suspects in the rallies during Chen’s visit.
The International Federation of Journalists (IFJ) has expressed deep concern
over the detention of an independent documentary filmmaker for filming Chen in a
hotel, and the assault of a television reporter by police who reportedly mistook
him for a protester during the Nov. 16 rally.
In addition, the IFJ condemned the Ma administration for “apparent interference
in state-owned media” and urged government authorities to refrain from
intervening in personnel decisions, operations and news coverage of media
outlets as doing so could jeopardize editorial independence.
The Association of Taiwan Journalists (ATJ) has denounced the restrictions and
violent treatment of journalists and civilians during the protests.
The ATJ described the government’s clamp down on the media’s right to report as
a “media restraint equivalent to that seen in an authoritarian regime,” saying
that it seriously sabotaged Taiwan’s image as a country with free press.
ATJ chairman Leon Chuang (莊豐嘉) said that he suspected the recent slew of
incidents would have a negative impact on Taiwan’s ranking of press freedom next
year.
Chuang said he felt like Taiwanese society had regressed 20 years to the Martial
Law era.
Back then, the KMT government was worried about the negative image martial law
would bring to the country, Chuang said, but now the KMT administration does not
seem to care much about public opinion.
“For a long time, Taiwan did not need to ask the international community for
help in terms of human rights violations because the opposition and the local
media were powerful enough to keep the government in check,” he said. “But now,
things seem to have changed.”
The pressure exerted by international organizations, therefore, played a pivotal
role in restraining the KMT government, Chuang said.
FLAWED JUDICIAL PROCEDURES
The rights of individuals before the law has also became an issue. A substantial
number of foreign experts on Taiwan have expressed their deep concern about the
recent series of detentions of Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) politicians
and urged reform in two open letters published by the Taipei Times.
They criticized the pretrial detentions as a “severe contravention of the writ
of habeas corpus and a basic violation of due process, justice and the rule of
law.”
They also pointed out that prosecutor’s offices “evidently leak detrimental
information to the press” and this kind of “trial by press” is a violation of
the basic standards of judicial procedures.
Lin Feng-cheng (林峰正), president of the Judicial Reform Foundation, said that
although pretrial custody is legal in Taiwan, the damage done to the detainee’s
reputation during the incarceration is difficult to restore even if the person
was later proven innocent.
Lin proposed that the maximum time the accused may be detained for the purpose
of investigation be reduced from four months to 20 days, as in Japan.
Such a reduction would give adequate protection to the rights of the accused
while still providing reasonable time for a criminal investigation, he said.
“It would compel police and prosecutors to collect solid evidence before
requesting detention,” he said. “It would make them think twice before detaining
the suspect because once the 20 days are up, they must either indict or release
the suspect.”
However, police and prosecutors seem to be convinced that pretrial custody is
the best way to expedite indictments, Lin said, adding that some prosecutors
even said they used pretrial detention as a tool to “teach the detainee a
lesson.”
“It serves as a form of punishment because the living conditions at the
detention center are awful,” Lin said. “Some of the inhumane treatment includes
having their head shaved and being denied a hot shower for several days during
the winter.”
Lin also urged the administration to establish a protocol for law enforcement
personnel that would take human rights into consideration before a suspect was
handcuffed.
Taiwan
Foundation for Democracy honors Sima Samar
By Shih Hsiu-chuan
STAFF REPORTER
Wednesday, Dec 10, 2008, Page 3
|
Afghanistan
Independent Human Rights Commission Chairwoman Sima Samar talks to the
Taipei Times on Monday. Samar is in Taiwan to receive the Asia Democracy
and Human Rights Award. PHOTO: WANG MIN-WEI, TAIPEI TIMES |
The Taiwan Foundation for Democracy (TFD) will today honor Sima Samar,
chairwoman of the Afghanistan Independent Human Rights Commission, with its 2008
Asia Democracy and Human Rights Award for her dedication to improving the status
of women in Afghanistan. As well as the award, Samar will receive a US$100,000
grant.
Living in countries where women have long been denied education and health care,
it is through perseverance that Sima Samar stays the course to assist people in
Afghanistan and Pakistan, and now in war-torn Sudan.
“It’s really difficult, but I didn’t give up. I stand by my principles and
beliefs because I think that nobody would give you rights as a gift, you have to
earn it,” said Samar, internationally recognized for her devotion to human
rights, especially on behalf of Afghan women.
Born in 1957, Samar is the first woman from the Hazara minority — a persecuted
ethnic minority in Afghanistan — to obtain a medical degree. She graduated from
Kabul University in 1982, when the country was under Russian control following
the 1979 invasion.
After graduation, she practiced medicine at a government hospital in Kabul and
provided treatment to patients in remote areas of central Afghanistan.
She defied her father’s demand that she return home and accept another arranged
marriage after her first husband disappeared in 1984 following his arrest by the
communist regime. She instead fled to Pakistan to work with Afghan refugees
facing a dire lack of medical and education resources, particularly women
forbidden to see male doctors or attend school.
The Afghan physician said she decided early on to fight for women’s rights and
equality as she experienced discrimination as a woman in her family and also in
school when she was young, prompting her to “study hard to go to college” and
become “more or less tough on my work.”
“And honestly, the pressure on me, it is hard to resist. At one time it was
really hard. They really wanted to kill … and it was very difficult time, but I
did resist. Because I thought, if I give up, then they will repress others very
soon, quickly,” she said.
She returned to Afghanistan in December 2001 to become the deputy prime minister
and minister of women’s affairs for the interim administration after the removal
of the Taliban regime, being one of only two women Cabinet ministers in the
transition government.
Samar was appointed to the most senior position ever held by a woman in
Afghanistan, but her political career was cut short in June 2002 when she was
accused of questioning Islam, especially Shariah Law, following an interview in
Canada with a Persian-language newspaper. Samar said she was misquoted.
“What I said was I don’t believe in the Taliban style of Shariah, which is the
misinterpretation of free Islam. [The newspaper] misquoted me that I don’t
believe in Shariah Law … But, that [the interview] was just a reason. It was all
because that I kept calling for justice and they didn’t like it,” she said.
Then-interim leader Hamid Karzai, who was elected president in 2004, told Samar
she must move to either lead the foreign affairs ministry or the human rights
commission after a group of people at an assembly, or Loya Jirga, shouted “we
don’t want her. She is not Muslim.”
Samar accepted the position of chairperson of the Afghanistan Independent Human
Rights Commission in July 2002. There, Samar continued to oversee human rights
education programs across the country, implement a nationwide program on women’s
rights, monitor and investigate human rights abuses and advocate for
transitional justice.
As she pursued human rights for all, Samar put her and her family members’ lives
at immense risk, facing continuous death threats until now, but she remains
undeterred.
“It’s not an easy life. But as I said, that as a human being, you would die one
day anyway. So if you die for something positive, it’s much better,” Samar said.
Samar said that she just “ignored” the threats from different groups of
fundamentalists most of the time but she did try to be more cautious about her
safety “because I really want to continue my work on educating people, and
especially the girls.”
“If girls are educated, they will understand what’s their rights, and they will
fight for their rights. Without half of the population not being educated, we
can not move the society forward,” she said.
Under Samar’s leadership, the Shuhada Organization, founded in 1989, now
operates twelve clinics and four hospitals in Afghanistan and Pakistan, as well
as 71 schools in Afghanistan and three schools for Afghan refugees in Quetta,
Pakistan, educating over 48,000 girls and boys.
Believing that education is “the main tool to change the mentalities and the
whole behaviors within the society,” Samar said that if people were educated,
the war in Afghanistan would not have lasted so long, Islam would not have been
misused and there wouldn’t be suicide attacks.
“Educated people will not accept what the political leaders preach and used by
them under the name of Islam and jihad,” she said. “The problem in Afghanistan
is lack of education.”
Samar said the situation in Afghanistan has improved since 2001 as the new
Constitution includes an equal-rights provision for women and girls now comprise
30 percent to 35 percent of the total number of students enrolled in school,
which was not the case during the Taliban.
However, there is still a long road ahead, she said.
“For the women to be able to exert their rights, the Constitution should become
reality, not in the paper. There aren’t enough school facilities, books and
trained teachers. A lot of women still do not have access to health care. And
the security situation is getting worse,” Samar said.
“Some of the districts are still under the control of Taliban where children,
especially girls, can not go to school, health service is not in very good
shape, and most of the non-governmental organizations [NGOs] can not go to the
areas because of the kidnapping problem. There is lack of law enforcement. On
top of these, suicide attacks stop people on the roads and intimidate the
people,” she said.
In 2005, Samar was appointed as the UN Special Rapporteur on human rights for
Sudan, extending her efforts for human rights to another country facing a
difficult situation.
Citing what happened in Afghanistan when the Russians left in 1992 as an
example, Samar said that neither isolation nor sanction could help a country.
“At that time when the pro-Russian government continued to be in power until
1992 and when the mujahedeen government was formed in Pakistan and Central
Afghanistan, the whole international community left Afghanistan, including the
NGOs. Afghanistan became isolated, a training ground for terrorists and a place
of opium production,” she said.
“Supporting human rights is the responsibility of every person,” Samar said.
Asked about President Ma Ying-jeou’s (馬英九) recent remarks that Tibetan spiritual
leader the Dalai Lama is not welcome to visit Taiwan at this time, Samar said
she was not able to comment on that because she was traveling and didn’t know
the details.
“I would have commented on that if I knew the whole background of the story,”
she said, but she restated her belief that it’s everybody’s responsibility to
promote human rights.
Samar, who has received numerous awards for advocating human rights, suggested
that young people not familiar with countries like Afghanistan and Sudan get to
know them through reading, traveling or volunteering for NGOs in the countries.
“Young people in Taiwan or in Afghanistan or in any other parts of the world are
the owners of this world, the futures of this world. They have to be more
respect for human rights and human dignity so they will be more responsible for
a peaceful future for this planet,” she said.
A day to
reflect on past and present
Wednesday, Dec 10, 2008, Page 8
Today, on International Human Rights Day, groups will hold vigils and
celebrations around the globe to mark 60 years since the UN adopted the
Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR).
It is a day to pause and appreciate the freedoms we have, note the progress we
have made since the Martial Law-era and remember those who live or lived under
oppression.
In Hong Kong on Sunday, members of Independent PEN took to the streets early,
calling for the principles of the UDHR to be respected and for China to release
around 50 writers known to be imprisoned because of the words they dared to air.
That is a call protesters could hardly have made in communist China without
risking detention themselves. Six decades after the UDHR’s inception, the
principles enshrined in it — as well as in the UN human rights conventions that
Beijing has since signed — carry little or no weight with Chinese authorities.
Last week, reports emerged that China had launched another of its infamous
“strike hard” campaigns, this time to renew its stranglehold on a media
environment that it thinks is getting out of hand. While the campaign will
apparently target the domestic media to ensure that reports do not fuel the
country’s swelling social unrest, the foreign press can hardly hope for better
treatment.
News of the campaign followed on the heels of two reports at the end of last
month that Chinese authorities violated the lofty freedoms they promised foreign
journalists during the Summer Olympics — a set of relaxed guidelines that
Beijing reaffirmed after the Games ended.
On Nov. 28, a British correspondent for the Christian Science Monitor was
detained while covering a story about one of China’s countless underground
churches — considered a scourge by Beijing despite its repeated assertions that
it respects freedom of religion. Peter Ford was taken to an airport in Henan
Province and sent back to Beijing immediately after being questioned for three
hours, Reporters without Borders said.
Even more disturbing were reports that a Belgian TV crew were assaulted a day
earlier for covering treatment of AIDS patients — also in Henan Province. The
crew said they were pulled from their car, their videotapes and reporters’ notes
taken and that they were beaten up.
The attack would hardly be the first on a journalist in China, where at least 10
foreign reporters were roughed up during the Olympics. It is not known how many
domestic media workers might regularly meet such harassment. But the news was
particularly symbolic of Beijing’s well-documented hypocrisy on matters of human
rights, as it came just three days before World AIDS Day. To mark that day, Dec.
1, China held events designed to remake its notorious image as a regime that
discriminates against AIDS patients and brutally represses open dialogue on the
spread of the disease within its borders.
Every human being is entitled to the rights set forth in the UDHR.
Unfortunately, the world remains a place where those rights must be fought for.
As Taiwan again finds itself in a disquieting position in which the government
must be reminded of its duties to respect rights that the nation had only
recently begun to take for granted, we would do well to reflect on the harsh
reality in neighboring countries and refocus our eyes on the goal.
Rethinking
our economic fantasies
By Lai Shih-kung 賴世剛
Wednesday, Dec 10, 2008, Page 8
The onslaught of the US subprime mortgage crisis last year led to a series of
shocks to the global economy, including the collapse of major financial
institutions. That in turn caused a global financial crisis that has seen
central banks around the world working together to save their stock markets.
These events have also seen Asian currencies devaluate rapidly and lead to
rising unemployment in Taiwan.
This illustrates that economic problems are never isolated and that one problem
can have significant effects on other sectors of the economy.
This series of events has forced economists to give serious thought to the pros
and cons of capitalism.
The theoretical basis of capitalism is basically derived from Scottish economist
Adam Smith’s theory of the “invisible hand,” which argued that the market would
achieve equilibrium through trade between manufacturers and consumers, which
would then help create reasonable, balanced prices and balanced production and
consumption. This would lead to a more efficient distribution of resources,
Smith said.
The equilibrium theory has long been the center of neo-classical economic
theory. This theory, however, is based on assumptions from an imaginary world —
not the real world.
The theory assumes that decision makers are shortsighted, yet capable of
everything. It also assumes that decisions are independent, do not cost anything
and that the world is simple and linear in nature.
However, the evidence clearly shows that in the real world, decision makers have
foresight but are limited at the same time by rational thinking.
Decisions are not independent but interrelated and they have a cost. The world
is complex and non-linear in nature and equilibrium is something that cannot be
forced.
Under these circumstances, leaving the market to itself can result in disaster.
Government planning and action are necessary to rectify problems as they arise.
The global financial crisis has revealed the basis of the theory of equilibrium
to be fantasy.
To handle the economic crisis, the government should take a more active planning
role. It should not try to draw up one complete and miraculous plan to solve all
problems, but should seek a set of flexible measures for different problems such
as the job market, the stock market and the real estate market and assimilate
its plans with the projects of various governmental departments and the private
sector to ensure appropriate action.
This is the only way the government will be able to solve the problems troubling
the economy.
Using fantasy theories to try to solve real-world problems is as futile as the
economic theory of equilibrium is unrealistic.
Lai Shih-kung is a professor in the
Department of Real Estate and Built Environment of the College of Public Affairs
at National Taipei University.
China:
threat or economic savior?
By Wu Jieh-min 吳介民
Wednesday, Dec 10, 2008, Page 8
Last month’s visit by Association for Relations Across the Taiwan Strait (ARATS)
Chairman Chen Yunlin (陳雲林) sparked conflicts within Taiwan that have not
dissipated. Chen’s visit highlighted sharp differences in the public’s views of
China as well.
One view focuses on the opportunity and benefits that China may represent. Some
believe that China’s yearly GDP growth of 10 percent, its accumulation of US$2
trillion in foreign reserves and the potential buying power of its economy will
be the saviors of the global economic recession. According to this view, closer
links with China will bring Taiwan a prosperous future and China is seen as the
nation’s only hope.
This theory is based on the unstated hypothesis that political responsibility,
democracy and human rights can be sacrificed for economic growth — up to an
“appropriate” extent.
This has been facilitated by the negotiations between the Chinese Nationalist
Party (KMT) and the Chinese Communist Party (CCP).
Agreements reached via the party-to-party platform are then ratified by the
Straits Exchange Foundation and ARATS and put into effect by the governments of
Taiwan and China.
Taiwan is a democracy, but the KMT-CCP communication platform is non-transparent
and has managed to escape monitoring of the legislature and civil society.
However, for monopolistic business groups, the platform is very effective and
direct cross-strait flights and other special privileges are decided behind
closed doors, which is more efficient than open negotiations.
But this view of China as an economic opportunity is incomplete. It considers
problems from the viewpoint of capitalist groups and blindly sings the praises
of economic development, while ignoring issues such as massive social costs,
destruction of the environment and the exploitation of hundreds of millions of
workers.
As China’s power increases, social inequality is increasing. Not long ago,
Chinese political scientist Ding Xueliang (丁學良) said in the online version of
the Chinese-language publication Financial News that the Chinese model should
not be adopted in developing nations precisely because the social costs are too
high.
A second view of China focuses on the threats our neighbor may present.
Beijing’s bullying of Taiwan has not eased, despite Taipei’s gestures of
goodwill. China has taken various steps to oppress Taiwan. The “Anti-Secession”
Law, the “one China” principle and the 1,000 missiles it has aimed at Taiwan are
a few examples. If it establishes closer links with China, Taiwan will become a
second Hong Kong and democracy will be a thing of the past.
China has had its eyes on Taiwan for a long time and it is a society full of
risk, with the recent melamine-tainted milk scandal being a good example. China
is unstable and at risk of collapsing, as exemplified by continuous protests and
riots in Xinjiang and Tibet. With close economic links, Taiwan would risk
suffering immensely if CCP rule collapsed.
This view is based on the hypothesis that Taiwan has always been a victim in its
dealings with China, with money going into China and debt staying in Taiwan. But
many Taiwanese businesspeople have found success in China and the cross-strait
division of labor has indirectly helped upgrade industries in Taiwan.
In addition, hundreds of millions of peasant workers fuel the “world’s factory”
— including joint ventures between China and Taiwan — and have therefore
contributed to Taiwan’s economy.
But this view also has a blind spot: It ignores the changes that have taken
place in China and the state of Chinese society.
After 30 years of developing a market economy, China is no longer truly
communist but is moving toward bureaucratic capitalism. The irony is that the
KMT, with its anti-communist history, has long been friendly to the CCP, while
the Taiwanese public’s fears of “Red China” are still fed by decades of the
KMT’s anti-communist propaganda.
Although China is strictly controlled by the state, many NGOs are active in gray
areas where the state cannot supervise and control them. Protesters in China no
longer protest in the name of “class struggle” — they use creative and
imaginative terms to package their activities.
For example, some people use the term “take a stroll” to refer to street
protests, while others use the term “visit” to mean surrounding a government
office. This is reminiscent of the way street protests were called “self-help
movements” 20 or so years ago in Taiwan.
The two above-mentioned views of China, while very different, have one thing in
common: Both lack social perspective.
Taiwan’s understanding of China should be based on progressive values and
careful analysis of social issues. I would like to propose that with the rise of
China’s economy, China is no longer a backward country and the CCP is no longer
a totalitarian party, but an authoritarian party characterized by resilient and
flexible rule.
Various social groups are emerging in China and Taiwanese people comprise one of
these. The market economy has made China wealthier, but has also aggravated
social inequalities. The ways in which China uses its state apparatus to control
society are becoming more technological and subtle, while diversity and social
protest become more common.
There is a great deal of truth behind the threats that China represents, but the
image of the “Red Terror” has been exaggerated.
Cross-strait exchanges should not be monopolized by two political parties that
only represent political and business interests. The KMT-CCP talks are an
anti-democratic platform for secret party diplomacy. They serve business groups
and represent a private club for the ruling elite and high ranking officials and
business leaders whose prime concern is money and power. The agenda they set
covers up and crowds out serious social problems.
Apart from the KMT-CCP platform, we need something along the lines of a
cross-strait civil society platform to promote open and democratic dialogue.
Taiwan should engage China’s cultural and academic circles as well as civic
groups to help Chinese better understand Taiwan. This would also help both sides
share their experiences fighting to survive in societies characterized by
decades of dictatorship.
It is worth thinking about what inspiration the negative and positive
experiences we gained through democratic transformation can give China’s
awakening civil society — and how progressive circles from both sides of the
Strait can combine their efforts and fight right-wing influences in our
societies.
The establishment of a cross-strait civil society platform would not only help
protect the nation’s democracy, it could help encourage China to think about
what social values it has sacrificed in its quest to become a wealthy and strong
nation.
Wu Jieh-min is an associate professor
of sociology and a member of the executive committee at the Center for
Contemporary China at National Tsing Hua University.
A
reflection of the state of Taiwan in its arts
By Paul Lin 林保華
Wednesday, Dec 10, 2008, Page 8
It has been an eventful autumn for Taiwan. In addition to concerns over the
economy and deteriorating living standards, it is worrying to see that aspects
of Taiwanese consciousness are being washed away.
Because of this, the awakening of Taiwanese culture seems to be filling in the
gap left by the disappearance of the political manifestation of Taiwanese
consciousness.
The films Cape No. 7 (海角七號) and 1895 have been successes not only because they
were produced locally, but because the movies are products of Taiwanese culture.
The Chinese government’s abrupt decision not to allow Cape No. 7 to be screened
in China reveals the hypocrisy of statements made by Association for Relations
Across the Taiwan Strait Chairman Chen Yunlin (陳雲林), because it shows the desire
to keep the Chinese public from getting to know Taiwanese culture and history.
And while the movie 1895 is shown in Taiwanese theaters, China Central
Television aired a Chinese historical drama called Taiwan 1895. The drama
elicited widespread criticism on the Internet for a confusing storyline that
misrepresents history. This is because China emphasizes politics, while history
plays an insignificant role.
I moved to Taiwan more than two years ago and have spent that time trying to
improve my understanding of it not only from a political perspective, but also
from a cultural and historical perspective. These two movies enhanced my
knowledge of Taiwan in terms of its history and art. In August, I saw a
performance by the Taipei Royal Ballet based on the poem The Corsair by the
English poet Lord Byron. I did not expect Taiwan would have such a top-notch
ballet company. If it were based in Hong Kong, it would have been famous long
ago.
The first time I heard of Tsai Jui-yueh (蔡瑞月) was two years ago when then-Taipei
mayor Ma Ying-jeou (馬英九) — in an attempt to redeem himself after allegations he
abused his mayoral special affairs fund — donated money he had transferred to
his private bank account during his mayoral terms to the Tsai Jui-yueh Dance
Foundation and other foundations. Ma’s move was an attempt to reduce the case’s
impact on his image and to show his loyalty to Taiwan.
The hardship Tsai experienced during the White Terror has shaped her Taiwanese
consciousness. At first I thought her dance troupe’s performances would be
pro-localization, but they were not. Because of her experiences living in Japan
and Australia and her devotion to the dance industry in Taiwan, she has been
called “the mother of Taiwanese modern dance.”
The Tsai Jui-yueh Dance Festival took place in October, covering works by Tsai
and other choreographers. Songs without Words (無言歌), Bones of the Warriors (勇士骨)
and The Lament of Foreign Brides (外籍新娘悲歌) concern human rights issues such as
the 228 Incident and reflect modern Taiwan.
Radeau, Limousine for Janis and Brandenburg Concertos were other pieces by
international choreographers performed at the festival. Although Tsai passed
away in 2005, her successors and many young dancers strive to promote her
tradition while innovating.
As for the Rose Monument, where the Tsai Jui-yueh Dance Institution is located
along with a restaurant, this must be what is meant by cultural activities
supported by industry.
Sitting on a green lawn outdoors while watching a performance is a unique
pleasure. The venue has been reborn after several fires. Likewise, perhaps this
eventful and disaster-stricken country can become a new nation that embodies the
spirit of tolerance and modernity of Tsai’s dances.
Paul Lin is a political commentator
based in Taiwan.