Report
sheds light on 1981 mystery
WHITE TERROR: Authorities had
said files related to professor Chen Wen-chen’s case had disappeared, but an
investigator found records in the National Archives
By Jenny W. Hsu
STAFF REPORTER
Thursday, Jul 02, 2009, Page 1
The Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) yesterday called on the government to
re-examine the case of Chen Wen-chen (陳文成), a math professor who is believed to
have been murdered in 1981 during the White Terror era by the then-Chinese
Nationalist Party (KMT) government, after a missing police file on Chen was
recently uncovered.
“In order to give the public a clear and fair explanation, the government should
investigate any unresolved cases that occurred during the White Terror era,
including Chen’s murder, if and when any new evidence is revealed,” DPP
Spokesman Cheng Wen-tsang (鄭文燦) said at a press conference.
In March, Minister of Justice Wang Ching-feng (王清峰) instructed prosecutors to
set up a team to re-investigate Chen’s case as well as the murder of the family
members of another pro-independence movement leader and former DPP chairman, Lin
Yi-hsiung (林義雄).
Cheng said that during past investigations, the authorities had repeatedly said
a written statement by Chen and audiotapes of his interrogation had disappeared.
However, a member of the Ministry of Justice team discovered Chen’s police file
in the National Archives a few days ago, CNA reported.
The file shows that Chen told his interrogators that he had set up a foundation
with 10 branches to support Formosa Magazine and push for democratic reform in
Taiwan.
The branches collected donations and sent them back to the magazine via Shih
Ming-teh (施明德), who later became chairman of the DPP.
The record shows Chen was questioned by the Garrison Command, a secret police
body operated by the government, from 9am until 9:30pm on July 2, 1981.
The 31-year-old professor’s body was found on the campus of National Taiwan
University the next day.
An autopsy report at the time said judging from Chen’s injuries, he had fallen
to his death from either the fourth or fifth floor of a building, CNA said.
However, it is still unclear whether the professor was pushed or committed
suicide.
Calling the White Terror era one of the biggest blemishes in Taiwan’s history,
Cheng said the DPP demanded that the government get to the bottom of all
unresolved cases to achieve genuine transitional justice.
Chen was a native of Taipei and had earned an advanced degree in statistics from
universities in the US. Upon receiving his doctorate, he was invited to join the
teaching staff at 耶arnegie-Mellon University’s statistics department.
During his time in the US, the professor became involved in a movement fighting
for more native Taiwanese to become government policy makers.
In May 1981, Chen, along with his wife and one-year-old son, returned to Taiwan
for a vacation. However, shortly before their scheduled departure for the US,
Chen was notified that his permit to leave the country had been rejected and he
was wanted for questioning at the Garrison Command. On July 2, two Garrison
Command agents showed up on Chen’s doorstep and took him away.
Grim Chen
mum on case
By Shelley Huang and
Mo Yan-chih
STAFF REPORTERS
Thursday, Jul 02, 2009, Page 1
Former president Chen Shui-bian’s (陳水扁) court-appointed attorney yesterday said
the former president has been “in a bad mood” since hearing that his daughter’s
travel request had been denied.
On Tuesday, district prosecutors rejected a travel request from Chen’s daughter
Chen Hsing-yu (陳幸妤), preventing her from registering for study in the US and
disrupting her plans to live there with her three children.
After hearing the news on Tuesday, Chen Shui-bian refused to talk about his
corruption and embezzlement cases, said Tseng Te-rong (曾德榮), the former
president’s court-appointed attorney.
The former president appeared in court yesterday with a glum look on his face.
Chen was called by Presiding Judge Tsai Shou-hsun (蔡守訓) to appear as a defendant
in his embezzlement case.
Tseng said that because the former president had been in a bad mood lately, he
had been careful not to further aggravate Chen Shui-bian when talking about the
case.
Chen Shui-bian has been distraught ever since his daughter visited him on Friday
at the Taipei Detention Center, where he is currently being held. Chen Hsing-yu
broke into tears as she told her father about not being able to go to the US.
Chen wrote a letter to President Ma Ying-jeou (馬英九) imploring him to help his
daughter travel overseas.
Chen said banning his daughter from leaving the country was illegal, and said
that his daughter might develop a mental disorder or try to commit suicide
because of the restrictions.
Through a court petition written by her lawyer, Chen Hsing-yu offered to leave
one or all three of her children in Taiwan to show her sincerity about coming
back to face her perjury charges after finishing registration.
Although Chen Shui-bian desperately hoped that his daughter would be able to go
to the US, he has refused to plead guilty to his charges, his lawyer said.
“When discussing the case with the former president, I could tell he insists on
his innocence,” Tseng said.
Meanwhile, the Chinese-language Next Magazine yesterday reported that Chen
Shui-bian’s wife, Wu Shu-jen (吳淑珍), sent a letter to her husband via her
mother-in-law. In the letter, Wu reportedly reprimanded Chen Shui-bian for
insisting on being a martyr even though it would ruin Chen Hsing-yu’s plans to
move to the US.
Outside the Taipei District Court, Chen Shui-bian’s secretary Chiang Chih-ming
(江志銘) yesterday confirmed that Wu had sent a letter.
“I did not read the letter, so I am not clear on the content,” he said.
However, Chiang confirmed that the letter was written by Wu to reprimand her
husband.
Chen Hsing-yu was barred from leaving the country last Tuesday, after she, her
husband Chao Chien-ming (趙建銘), and her brother Chen Chih-chung (陳致中) admitted to
giving false testimony during investigations into the former first family’s
alleged corruption and money laundering.
Meanwhile, Presidential Office Spokesman Wang Yu-chi (王郁琦) said yesterday that
Ma had read the letter from Chen Shui-bian, but he would not interfere in any
individual case.
“As a father, President Ma understood Chen’s feelings, but the president doesn’t
have the right to intervene in any case. We hope Chen Shui-bian will understand
that,” Wang said yesterday in Panama, as he accompanied Ma on a diplomatic trip.
Wang said the Presidential Office had no immediate plans to give the letter to
prosecutors, and would discuss whether or not to reply the letter.
Also yesterday female DPP supporters across the country yesterday called on the
court to lift the travel restriction on Chen Hsing-yu and said barring her from
pursuing her education in the US was unfair.
Groups
support PRC dissident, slam Ma over ‘indifference’
By Flora Wang
STAFF REPORTER
Thursday, Jul 02, 2009, Page 3
“Ma cared about the human rights situation in China before he became
president, but he has been indifferent [to the situation] since he assumed
office. This is a pity.”— Hawang Shiow-duan, professor at Soochow University
A number of civic groups yesterday voiced support for Chinese dissident Liu
Xiaobo (劉曉波) and expressed concern about whether academics in Taiwan might
suffer the same fate as Liu amid warming cross-strait relations.
At a press conference, Hawang Shiow-duan (黃秀端), a professor of political science
at Soochow University and president of the Taipei Society, urged China to
release Liu as soon as possible and criticized President Ma Ying-jeou (馬英九) for
his silence on the matter.
Liu, who co-authored a manifesto calling for sweeping reform in China, was
arrested on Wednesday last week for activities allegedly aimed at overthrowing
the country’s socialist system.
“Ma cared about the human rights situation in China before he became president,
but he has been indifferent [to the situation] since he assumed office. This is
a pity,” Hawang said.
Hsueh Chin-feng (薛欽峰), director of the Taipei Bar Association’s Human Rights
Protection Commission, said Ma’s silence made him wonder if the president really
meant it when, in the past, he voiced concerns about human rights violations in
China.
Judicial Reform Foundation executive director Lin Feng-cheng (林峰正) vowed to
confront Ma face to face regarding the latter’s attitude toward Liu’s arrest
after the president returns from his trip to Central America.
Hawang said she was “deeply worried” that cases similar to Liu’s might
eventually occur in Taiwan.
“Over the past few months, human rights in Taiwan have suffered a setback
because [the government] has sought rapprochement with China,” Hawang said.
She said the Act Governing the Administrative Impartiality of Public Officials
(公務人員行政中立法), recently passed by the legislature, and the Ministry of Education’s
plan to extend impartiality regulations to all teachers could have a “chilling
effect” on academics.
Hawang was referring to the act’s barring academics at public research
institutes from wearing or displaying flags or emblems of any political party or
group at the workplace.
It also bars academics from convening protests, launching signature drives and
editing, printing or distributiing political flyers or related documents using
public equipment at public offices.
The Examination Yuan and the Executive Yuan are also authorized to impose bans
through administrative orders.
Renaming
the hall could unify us
By Paul Lin 林保華
Thursday, Jul 02, 2009, Page 8
When President Ma Ying-jeou (馬英九) took office, he said citizen’s forums would be
held to discuss whether National Taiwan Democracy Memorial Hall (國立台灣民主紀念館)
would have its name changed back to Chiang Kai-shek Memorial Hall (中正紀念堂).
Now, after just a few closed-door meetings, it has been decided that the name
will be changed back.
Pan-green supporters used to call the Chiang Kai-shek Memorial Hall the “Chiang
Temple,” as it was a product of the personality cult surrounding dictator Chiang
Kai-shek (蔣介石).
Taiwan is now a democratic nation and it is not right to worship the man mainly
responsible for the 228 Incident. This is why, during the Democratic Progressive
Party administration’s rule, the name of the hall was changed to the National
Taiwan Democracy Memorial Hall and the four-character inscription on the main
gate, dazhong zhizheng (大中至正), or “great neutrality and perfect uprightness,”
was changed to “Liberty Square” (自由廣場).
However, it now seems that Ma does not hold democracy and freedom close to his
heart and is therefore changing the name back to Chiang Kai-shek Memorial Hall.
Taiwan faces several urgent problems, including economic woes, issues about
democracy and the loss of sovereignty. Ma, however, views “democracy” and
“freedom” as issues that are getting in his way and has said that he wants to
clear up the issue of what to call the memorial hall before the end of the
month.
Of course, Ma is doing this to please his rich and powerful Mainlander Chinese
Nationalist Party (KMT) cronies, as without Chiang, they would never have gained
the special rights and privileges they now enjoy.
To ensure unity within the nation, it would be best if all sides involved took a
step back and made a compromise on a neutral name.
This is why, in a speech I gave recently at the inaugural meeting of an
anti-Chinese Communist Party (CCP) youth group, I suggested that the hall be
called something like the “anti-CCP memorial hall.”
My reasons are as follows:
First, the status of Chiang is very controversial in Taiwan. However, I am sure
that everyone in the pan-blue and pan-green camps will agree that Chiang was
anti-CCP. Therefore, I believe this can be used as a consensus and that naming
the hall something along the lines of an anti-CCP memorial hall could go a long
way to bringing the pan-blue and pan-green camps closer together.
Second, Taiwan was once used by the KMT as a base to restore its rule over China
and there are many historical relics that can be put on display to commemorate
the past. Such a place would be the world’s most important anti-CCP venue and
would also attract tourists from China, as they would also be interested in
understanding the historical facts that the CCP has covered up and kept from
them.
The CCP would of course have the most to say about an anti-CCP memorial hall
being established in Taiwan.
However, there are many anti-Chiang and anti-Chinese Nationalist Party memorial
sites in China, such as the Zhazi Cave (渣滓洞) and the Bai Residence (白公館) in
Chongqing, where exhibitions show how the KMT persecuted members of the CCP.
So why can’t we have similar exhibits here in Taiwan?
Apart from showing the struggle that took place between the KMT and the CCP, an
anti-CCP memorial hall could also show how the CCP hurt and persecuted the
Chinese people, for example during the anti-rightist campaign, the Great Leap
Forward and the Cultural Revolution. When the CCP gained rule over China,
approximately 80 million Chinese died unnatural deaths and the CCP still hasn’t
apologized to its people for this, but has instead worked hard to cover up the
truth.
Setting up an anti-CCP memorial hall would be the biggest contribution we could
make to promote political reform in China and improve the lives of its people,
as well as to promote the universal values of democracy and human rights.
Naming the hall along anti-CCP lines would also be a test for Ma. Using such a
name would remind KMT members how they were forced to follow Chiang to Taiwan
and how their family members who stayed behind in China suffered so greatly when
the CCP settled its scores. Even during the Cultural Revolution, former Chinese
leader Mao Zedong (毛澤東) stated that those left behind by members of the KMT
represented a continuation of the struggle between the KMT and the CCP.
However, when senior members of the KMT have “returned” to their “motherland”
for visits recently, they did not say anything about these people, as if nothing
had never happened.
Chiang Kai-shek Memorial Hall should have its name changed to the anti-CCP
memorial hall and it would be best that Liberty Square kept its current name. If
Ma really cannot handle the idea of having a memorial dedicated to freedom, why
not base it on the ideal of “success in defeating the CCP” (反共必勝), which was one
of Chiang’s primary aims.
I am sure that Ma would not want to go against instructions left behind by
Chiang just to please the CCP.
Paul Lin is a political commentator.
Ma’s deceit
over nature of Republic of China
By James Wang 王景弘
Thursday, Jul 02, 2009, Page 8
‘Sun’s revolution was not to gain independence and build a new country ... it
was simply done to overthrow the imperial rule of the foreign Manchu Qing
Dynasty and replace it with a republican system.’
As President Ma Ying-jeou (馬英九) prepares to reclaim the Chinese Nationalist
Party (KMT) chairmanship, he has begun asserting that the Republic of China
(ROC) has been an independent, sovereign state since 1912 and that no country in
the world needs to declare independence twice. This may sound appealing, but it
is nothing more than a deceitful trick that does not stand up to the facts.
It is indeed surprising that Ma is confused about the nature of the revolution
launched by Sun Yat-sen (孫逸仙).
Sun’s revolution was not to gain independence and build a new country, in the
way that the 13 American colonies became the original United States of America;
it was simply to overthrow the imperial rule of the foreign Manchu Qing Dynasty
and replace it with a republican system.
In other words, Sun merely established a new regime that replaced the Qing
government of the national territory of the country known as “China.” The new
regime, the ROC, inherited all the territories — excluding Taiwan and the
Pescadores — citizens, foreign treaties and debts of the Qing Dynasty.
Sun did not declare independence or establish a new country. The US declared its
legal recognition of the ROC government on May 2, 1912; that is, the US
recognized the ROC as the successor government to the Qing imperial government.
The ROC did not become an “independent, sovereign state,” because it inherited
the unequal treaties that were signed by the Qing Dynasty with other countries
and because the Western powers still enjoyed extraterritoriality in China, which
meant that they were exempt from the jurisdiction of local law.
When the Chinese Communist Party took over China and established the People’s
Republic of China (PRC), the ROC became a government in exile. For the past 60
years, the KMT has offered different definitions of the ROC.
Dictator Chiang Kai-shek (蔣介石) once said that the rule of the ROC over China had
come to an end. Former president Lee Teng-hui (李登輝) was more pragmatic, talking
about a “second republic” and placing the ROC in Taiwan, saying that the ROC was
the national title of Taiwan — but that argument was severely criticized by
hardline KMT members.
Ma has opposed both Chiang’s view that the ROC’s rule over China has come to an
end and Lee’s “second republic” discourse, ignoring the fact that China has been
taken over by the People’s Republic of China (PRC). He naively claims that the
ROC has long been an independent, sovereign state, while at the same time
accommodating the interests of the PRC.
How can he refute his assertions in this way and then claim that the ROC is an
independent, sovereign state?
James Wang is a media commentator.