Ma urges
other parties to attend forum
ALL WELCOME: Taiwan’s
delegation to the KMT-CCP forum in Hunan Province will include former DPP
legislator Hsu Jung-shu and party member Fan Chen-tzung
By MO YAN-CHIH
STAFF REPORTER
Friday, Jul 10, 2009, Page 1
President Ma Ying-jeou (馬英九) urged members of all political parties to attend
this weekend’s forum between the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) and the Chinese
Communist Party (CCP).
The official title of the “KMT-CCP forum” should be “a cross-strait economic and
cultural forum” and other political parties should seize the opportunity to
discuss cross-strait policies at the event, Ma said.
“The forum is co-hosted by the KMT and the CCP, but it should be called a
cross-strait forum. Participation is not limited to KMT and CCP members,” Ma
said at a Presidential Office meeting with KMT Chairman Wu Poh-hsiung (吳伯雄) and
the delegation heading to the forum this weekend.
Commenting on a Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) regulation passed on
Wednesday that bars party members who have served as party or elected officials
from participating in the forum, Ma said members from other political parties
should also participate in cross-strait exchanges to have a better understanding
of China.
“The cross-strait policy will not have enough strength and representation if
only the KMT is participating in the establishment of the policy,” Ma said.
The “KMT-CPP forum” was initiated in 2005 by former KMT chairman Lien Chan (連戰)
and Chinese President Hu Jintao (胡錦濤) in his capacity as CCP general-secretary
during a visit by Lien to Beijing. The forums are aimed at promoting
cross-strait economic and trade cooperation. The first meeting was held in
Beijing in 2006.
Taiwan’s delegation to the forum this year, which will be held tomorrow and on
Sunday in Hunan Province, will include about 270 people, including former DPP
legislator Hsu Jung-shu (�?Q) and former Council of Agriculture minister Fan
Chen-tzung (范振宗), who is a DPP member.
Ma said he was glad to see DPP members participate and expected the forum to
attract more people from diverse backgrounds.
Wu said KMT members only accounted for about 25 percent of the delegation, which
includes people from cultural, educational and financial fields, as well as
college students.
“The KMT keeps an open mind about the forum and welcomes people from all fields
to join the forum,” he said.
Ma said the forum would focus on cultural and educational issues, including
intellectual property rights for cultural products. He also expressed his desire
for Chinese to learn traditional Chinese characters.
KMT Deputy Secretary-General Chang Jung-kung (張榮恭) said Vice Minister of
Education Lu Mu-lin (呂木琳), Council for Cultural Affairs Vice Chairman Chang Yui-tan
(張譽騰) and vice minister of the Government Information Office George Hsu (許秋煌)
would participate in the forum as “special guests.”
Hsu yesterday said he had accepted an invitation from the KMT to attend the
forum as the issues to be discussed at the symposium were related to his work.
Hsu said he would attend the forum in a private capacity.
“It’s a rare opportunity to attend the forum. I hope I can collect useful
information on cultural affairs [in China],” he said.
GIO Minister Su Jun-pin (蘇俊賓) said he was happy to see Hsu attend the forum and
hoped the information concerning films, TV and popular music in China that Hsu
would collect would benefit the development of related industries in Taiwan.
OBJECTION
KMT Legislator Chiu Yi (邱毅), however, objected to government officials attending
the forum.
“The KMT-CCP forum is between the two parties. Given the need to separate the
party’s affairs from the government’s, I believe it is inappropriate for
government officials to take part in the forum,” Chiu told reporters at the
legislature.
Chiu said that communication between Taiwanese and Chinese officials should take
place at negotiations between the semi-official Straits Exchange Foundation and
China’s Association for Relations Across the Taiwan Strait.
KMT Legislator Wu Yu-sheng (吳育昇), on the other hand, said there was nothing
untoward about the officials attending the forum as long as the schedule was
transparent.
Meanwhile, DPP legislators Yeh Yin-jin (葉宜津) and Huang Wei-che (黃偉哲) expressed
doubts about the legitimacy of the forum.
They said that any actions related to China should be carefully and critically
examined to ensure that they do not jeopardize Taiwan’s stability and national
dignity.
At a separate setting yesterday, the DPP said that it would not go easy on party
members attending the event, and that violators would be subject to disciplinary
action.
UNIFICATION STRATEGY
Acting DPP spokesman Chao Tien-lin (趙天麟) said the party’s opposition to the
forum was clear and that the meeting was nothing short of a unification
strategy.
“Any member should understand this, especially senior members,” Chao said,
referring to Hsu Jung-shu and Fan.
Hsu Jung-shu and Fan both stressed that their plans remained unchanged.
Additional reporting by Shih Hsiu-chuan, Flora Wang and Jenny W. Hsu
China
claims it has evidence Rio Tinto staff were spying
AGENCIES , BEIJING, SYDNEY AND MELBOURNE, AUSTRALIA
Friday, Jul 10, 2009, Page 1
China said yesterday it had evidence proving employees of mining giant Rio Tinto,
including an Australian, stole state secrets.
“Competent authorities have sufficient evidence to prove that they have stolen
state secrets and have caused huge loss to China’s economic interest and
security,” foreign ministry spokesman Qin Gang (秦剛) told reporters.
Australian Stern Hu (胡士泰), chief representative of Rio Tinto in Shanghai, was
detained on Sunday along with colleagues who are suspected of espionage and
stealing state secrets for foreign countries, Qin said yesterday.
Authorities in Shanghai earlier said Hu was being held along with three Chinese
nationals who are Rio Tinto sales employees.
Rio is the world’s second- largest iron ore producer and its Shanghai office,
where the men worked, focuses on sales and marketing to China.
PROPOSAL
Tensions between China and the miner rose after Rio dumped a proposal from its
largest shareholder, state-owned Chinalco (中國鋁業), to inject US$19.5 billion into
the firm in favor of a rights issue and joint venture with BHP Billiton.
Asked whether the detention of the four employees was linked to Chinalco’s
failed deal, Qin said it would be “improper” to exaggerate the case.
Qin refused to comment on the nature of the state secrets.
Australian Foreign Minister Stephen Smith said his officials had yet to talk to
Hu after his weekend detention and were keen to ensure he had not been
mistreated.
“One of the reasons why we want access to him, is to satisfy ourselves as to his
welfare, to satisfy ourselves as to his well-being and to get some indication
from him as to how we can be of assistance,” Smith told ABC television.
Smith described the spying accusations as “very surprising” and said the
government was seeking urgent access to Hu and wanted to know more ahead of
tomorrow’s deadline for consular access to Hu by Australian diplomats in China.
IRON ORE
China is Australia’s second-largest export customer behind Japan, buying A$36
billion (US$28 billion) of mostly commodities in the 11 months ended in May.
Last year, more than half of China’s imports from Australia were of iron ore.
Rio Tinto has spearheaded difficult talks with China over new iron ore
contracts, which missed a key deadline at the end of last month.
Australian media has reported speculation that the detentions were linked to
alleged manipulation of the iron ore market, while the Chinese press has accused
Rio of withholding products to drive up prices.
The Securities Times quoted unnamed “industry insiders” as speculating the
detentions may have been over suspected bribery.
Meanwhile, a Chinese steel executive who had “close contact” with Hu has been
detained by Beijing police, the newspaper 21st Century Business Herald reported
yesterday.
Tan Yixin (譚以新), general manager of Shougang International Trade Engineering
Corp (首鋼國際貿易工程公司), oversaw iron ore purchases, the Herald reported. It gave no
indication that the two cases were linked.
China vows
to maintain stability
TENSE TIMES: Although
Xinjiang’s capital appeared to be under control, a major test for the government
will come when Uighurs gather for Friday prayers
AP , URUMQI, CHINA
Friday, Jul 10, 2009, Page 1
China’s top communist leaders vowed to maintain stability in the west of the
country in their first public comments yesterday on the ethnic riots that killed
more than 150 people, and accused overseas forces of orchestrating the violence.
An urgent nine-member Politburo Standing Committee meeting, led by Chinese
President Hu Jintao (胡錦濤), called on Communist Party members and officials at
all levels to mobilize to restore order, and promised punishment to rioters and
leniency to participants who were misled by agitators.
“Preserving and maintaining the overall stability of Xinjiang is currently the
most urgent task,” the politburo said, an account carried by the official Xinhua
news agency said.
Security forces kept a firm grip on Xinjiang’s capital, Urumqi, as residents
tentatively emerged to go about daily life.
Red stickers put up outside apartment compounds said, “Don’t listen to any
rumors” and “Keep calm and maintain public order.”
Crowds of Han Chinese cheered as trucks full of police that were covered in
banners reading, “We must defeat the terrorists” and “Oppose ethnic separatism
and hatred,” rumbled by.
With the city apparently under control, the next major test for the government
will come today, when large numbers of Muslim Uighurs gather for their weekly
prayers.
The meeting of the politburo — China’s most powerful body — took place on
Wednesday shortly after Hu, also head of the Communist Party, returned after
cutting short a trip to Italy where he was to participate in a G8 summit.
“In particular, we must emphasize the thinking of stability above all else to
the cadres and masses of all ethnic groups in Xinjiang,’’ the politburo said,
according to Xinhua.
It instructed cadres to pursue tough punishment for rioters who committed
“serious criminal acts of beating, smashing, looting and burning.”
“We must by law severely attack those hard core elements who planned and
organized this incident and seriously violent criminals,” the politburo said. It
also called for “preventive measures” against “enemy forces who would undermine
ethnic unity” and stressed the need to preserve social stability.
China also rejected calls to raise the unrest at the UN Security Council.
“The Chinese government has taken decisive measures according to law. This is
totally China’s internal affair. There’s no reason for Security Council
discussion,’’ Foreign Ministry spokesman Qin Gang (秦剛) told a news conference.
Also See: Beijing tries opening to foreign press
Also See: Chinese nationalism surfaces amid Xinjiang conflict
Also See: Uighurs in Central Asia look on with fury at bloodshed
Government
decries Xinjiang violence
By Shih Hsiu-Chuan
STAFF REPORTER
Friday, Jul 10, 2009, Page 1
The Executive Yuan yesterday decried the violence in China’s Xinjiang region and
called on Chinese authorities to handle the situation with more tolerance.
Executive Yuan spokesman Su Jun-pin (蘇俊賓) quoted Premier Liu Chao-shiuan (劉兆玄)
as telling yesterday’s weekly Cabinet meeting: “We regret the communal violence
in the Urumqi area in the past few days and are concerned about the heavy
casualties resulting from the incident.”
“Zhonghua minzu [中華民族, Chinese people] are people who stand firmly for all
ethnicities coexisting in harmony. In accordance with the UN Covenant on Civil
and Political Rights and the UN Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural
Rights, of which both Taiwan and the mainland are signatories, people have
freedom of belief, religion, assembly and association,” Su quoted Liu as saying.
“Those are basic rights and universal values.”
It was the first time Liu had commented on the unrest that started on Sunday.
Liu refused to answer media queries on the crackdown on protesters on Tuesday,
saying that he did not have sufficient information on the situation.
He urged the Chinese military and other parties to keep calm and exercise
restraint and demanded that Chinese authorities protect Taiwanese and their
property in China, Su said.
Meanwhile, President Ma Ying-jeou (馬英九) has continued to stay silent on the
issue.
Presidential Office Spokesman Wang Yu-chi (王郁琦) said the Mainland Affairs
Council would address the situation instead of Ma.
The council issued a statement yesterday, calling on all parties to remain calm
and communicate with each other in a peaceful and rational manner.
It also reminded Chinese authorities that social stability could be maintained
only on the basis of upholding human rights.
The council expressed the hope that China would accelerate reforms in line with
the two UN-sponsored human rights covenants.
“Only through reform and progress on all fronts, not just economic growth, can a
harmonious society be achieved,” the council said.
Chen
refuses to testify against ex-bookkeeper
TRIAL: Although the former president said he would not testify against Chen Chen-hui, the judge told him that he could only decline to answer certain questions
By Shelley Huang
STAFF REPORTER
Friday, Jul 10, 2009, Page 3
Former president Chen Shui-bian (陳水扁) yesterday refused to testify against his
co-defendant Chen Chen-hui (陳鎮慧), his former bookkeeper, who is accused of
helping the former president embezzle money.
Chen Shui-bian said his court-appointed attorneys told him he could refuse to
testify in Chen Chen-hui’s trial because he harbored mixed feelings toward his
former bookkeeper.
However, Presiding Judge Tsai Shou-hsun (蔡守訓) of the Taipei District Court told
the former president that while he could refuse to answer certain questions, he
could not refuse to testify entirely.
After Tsai ordered a recess in which Chen Shui-bian conferred with his
attorneys, the former president told the court he would be willing to testify
out of respect for the court.
REWARDS
Meanwhile, former premier Chang Chun-hsiung (張俊雄) yesterday testified that he
“should have” received a monetary performance reward from Chen Shui-bian.
Tsai had scheduled yesterday’s hearing to question Chang on whether he received
NT$2 million (US$60,700) from the former president.
The purpose of the hearing was to determine the authenticity of some of the
expense reports related to the presidential “state affairs fund,” a government
fund earmarked for official purposes to be used at the president’s discretion.
Prosecutors previously argued that Chang and former vice premier Yeh Chu-lan
(葉菊蘭) had not received money they had been promised by Chen Shui-bian, implying
that the former president lied about rewarding government officials with bonuses
when in fact he took the cash reimbursements from the government fund for his
personal use.
The former president is charged with embezzling NT$104.15 million in government
funds.
MEMORY PROBLEMS
In witness statements Chang made to Special Investigation Panel (SIP)
prosecutors, the former premier said he could not recall whether Chen Shui-bian
had given him a NT$2 million reward.
However, after a few days, Chang said in a written statement to the SIP that he
had indeed received monetary rewards from the former president.
In court yesterday, prosecutors probed Chang about the discrepancy.
He answered that because his memory was poor, he could not recall the reward
when questioned by prosecutors. However, after he gave the matter more thought,
Chang said, he remembered that he “should have” received money from Chen
Shui-bian because he performed very well during his two terms as premier.
However, Chang said he could not provide further details, such as when and where
he should have received the money, citing poor memory.
Uighurs in
Central Asia look on with fury at bloodshed
AFP , ALMATY
Friday, Jul 10, 2009, Page 5
Uighur community leaders in Central Asia have reacted with fury to the deadly
riots in their ancestral Xinjiang region of China, even as governments in the
former Soviet states refuse to interfere.
Many in the half-million-strong Uighur community in Central Asia allege that the
unrest is a consequence of decades of repression by Beijing of Uighurs in
Xinjiang, a Chinese region that borders both Kyrgyzstan and Kazakhstan.
Their anger is predictable given that the Uighur population living in Central
Asia is descended from refugees who fled China in the 1930s and 1940s after two
failed attempts in those decades to form an independent Uighur state.
“The Uighurs wanted to protest peacefully against the authorities’ policies
towards them. But because of the police it ended in tragedy,” said Torgan
Tozakhunov, deputy director of the Uighur cultural center in Kazakhstan.
“These events are a violation of human rights. A true genocide of the Uighur
people is in progress and the Chinese authorities will have to answer for these
crimes in front of the international community,” he said.
Kazakhstan is home to 220,000 Uighurs, the biggest such community in Central
Asia, with the rest of the population spread amongst the other mostly Turkic
ex-Soviet republics of the region.
“The Chinese authorities provoked the troubles in Xinjiang because the World
Uighur Congress is growing in influence and China wants to present it as a
terrorist group,” said Rakhimdzhan Khapisov of the Ittipak group in Kyrgyzstan,
home to 50,000 Uighurs.
China accuses the World Uighur Congress — led by US-based exile Rebiya Kadeer —
of fomenting the riots from abroad although diaspora leaders claim that the
unrest broke out when police fired on demonstrators.
In one of the worst spikes in ethnic tensions to have hit China in decades, 156
people died in the unrest on Sunday in Urumqi, the Xinjiang regional capital,
China’s official Xinhua news agency said.
Now, even with Beijing pouring troops into Urumqi in an attempt to stabilize the
situation, fresh violence has still flared as Han Chinese and Muslim Uighurs arm
themselves with makeshift weapons.
Despite the anger amongst the Uighur diaspora, governments in Central Asia have
kept a guarded silence over the events, with the growing importance of trade
ties with Beijing foremost in their minds.
This is despite the fact that Uighurs are well integrated into society,
especially in Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan. Kazakhstan Prime Minister Karim
Massimov is himself an ethnic Uighur.
The countries’ former Soviet-era master Moscow issued its first reaction on
Wednesday, three days after the rioting began, in a statement demonstrating a
reluctance to interfere.
“The events there are an exclusively internal matter for the People’s Republic
of China,” the Russian foreign ministry said.
Beijing
tries opening to foreign press
NEW TACK: China seems to have
learned the importance of getting its viewpoint out through the foreign media
instead of imposing a news blackout like it did in Tibet
AP , BEIJING
Friday, Jul 10, 2009, Page 5
|
A Uighur woman cries as reporters visit a Uighur district that protested on Monday in Urumqi, Xinjiang, China, yesterday. PHOTO: AP |
When riots broke out in the restive west this week, China took a
different tack with foreign journalists: Instead of being barred, reporters were
invited on an official tour of Xinjiang’s capital.
The approach, a stark reversal from last year’s handling of the Tibetan unrest,
suggests Chinese authorities have learned that providing access to information
means they can get their own message out, experts said.
“They are getting more sophisticated in how they’re handling foreign and
domestic media coverage of a crisis. It used to be in a time of major crisis,
you get a blackout ... Now the approach is to get the government’s viewpoint out
there,” said Rebecca MacKinnon, a journalism professor at the University of Hong
Kong.
The State Council Information Office, the government’s main public relations
arm, extended a highly unusual invitation to the foreign media on Monday, just
one day after the worst ethnic violence in decades left 156 dead and 1,100
injured in the regional capital of Urumqi. The goal?
“To help foreign media to do more objective, fair and friendly reports,” Xinhua
said in a statement.
Journalists from 60 different foreign media organizations traveled to Urumqi on
Monday. They were taken to the largest hotel in town where the government had
set up a media center. Special reporting passes were issued and press
conferences were arranged.
Still, not everything stayed within the government’s control. On Tuesday, as
reporters were escorted around town to see the damage from Sunday’s rioting, a
group of about 200 Uighur women, wailing and shouting, appeared to protest the
arrests of their husbands and sons in the ensuing crackdown.
For the government guides, who tried to herd reporters on buses as TV cameras
rolled, it was a totally unscripted moment.
Despite the access, foreign journalists still reported problems in the field.
The Foreign Correspondents’ Club of China said it had received reports of
security forces detaining TV crews and other reporters, confiscating equipment
and even damaging a video camera.
Two Associated Press TV producers were detained for more than three hours and
questioned about their reporting. Their equipment was returned and eventually
they were taken back to the media hotel.
During the protests in Lhasa and other Tibetan communities last spring, the
government maintained a virtual news blackout.
For China, the picture that emerged from Tibet was a highly negative and often
more simplistic version of a complicated history, MacKinnon said.
“I don’t know what sparked their change of approach this time but I think one of
the results of not allowing Beijing-based press corps into Tibet last year was
that the story ended up being covered outside of China. It resulted in the exile
community being able to frame the story,” she said.
Chinese
nationalism surfaces amid Xinjiang conflict
AFP , URUMQI, CHINA
Friday, Jul 10, 2009, Page 5
“We will keep the motherland unified even if we have to fight. China is one
country.”— Bao Wei, university student
Yelling “national unity” and “love our country” as he carried a heavy metal
pipe, Bao Wei was one of hundreds of Han Chinese showing the raw power of
Chinese nationalism in Xinjiang’s conflict.
“We are patriots. We are just out here to defend our country,” said Bao, a
22-year-old university student, as he and a group of about 25 ethnic Han roamed
the tense streets of Urumqi, Xinjiang’s capital.
Like thousands of other members of China’s dominant ethnic group, Bao was
enraged by weekend rioting by Uighurs, a Muslim minority that has long
complained of Chinese repression. At least 156 people died in the violence.
Nationalist feelings, which have surged in recent years in China, have bubbled
to the surface in Urumqi’s unrest and become a rallying cry for many Han.
“We will keep the motherland unified even if we have to fight. China is one
country,” Bao said.
In similar unrest in Tibet last year, Tibetans who despise Chinese rule attacked
and killed Han. But in Urumqi, Chinese security forces that initially focused on
protecting Han have had to quickly pivot, pouring in thousands of riot control
forces to prevent mobs of Han wreaking vengeance.
Since China’s leaders discarded many tenets of communism three decades ago in
their transition to capitalism, authorities have increasingly filled the
rhetorical gap with appeals to patriotism.
After last year’s Tibet riots, China’s state-run media and the Internet were
aflame with anger over perceived Western bias, and there has been debate among
Chinese intellectuals calling for a more assertive China.
“We will not accept these separatists wrecking our national unity,” said Han Yi,
an employee with an Urumqi courier company.
Han spoke as he watched a mob of about 200 Han, some holding small Chinese
flags, chase several Uighur men on Wednesday, severely beating two of them.
“Do you know Chinese history? Then you know about our 100 years of shame,” he
said, using the Chinese term for the century of domination by foreign powers
that ended in 1949.
“The great Chinese people will always stand up for themselves from now on,” he
said.
Nicholas Bequelin, a Hong Kong-based researcher with Human Rights Watch, said
such government tactics were both predictable and dangerous.
“It is throwing oil on the fire,” he said, adding that tension between the two
ethnic groups appeared more pronounced among younger, poorer migrants into the
city.
“The scapegoating of outside forces does not acknowledge some of the key reasons
for anger among the Uighurs,” he said.
Chinese authorities seem to have been caught off-guard by the Han reaction.
In leaflets dropped over the Urumqi hot spots by helicopters this week, Wang
Lequan (王樂泉) , the top Chinese official in Xinjiang, appealed specifically to
the Han to stay calm.
“If the Han mobilize against innocent Uighur, not only is this wrong, but won’t
it also upset all of the ethnic groups?” Wang, who is known for his tough
rhetoric against Uighur “separatism,” said in the leaflet.
Even some Han residents of Urumqi expressed concern over the nationalist
rhetoric.
“They are calling for unity of the motherland. But right now, everybody just
needs to calm down,” said Yi Jing, a Han woman in her early 20s as she watched
Wednesday’s mob attacks on Uighurs from a fast-food restaurant.
“Now I don’t think there will ever be unity between the Han and the Uighur,” she
said.
Turkey
calls for end to violence
AP , ANKARA
Friday, Jul 10, 2009, Page 5
Turkey’s prime minister called for an end to “savagery” in the western Chinese
region of Xinjiang that has killed at least 156 people, including many minority
Uighurs who share ethnic bonds with Turks.
“Our expectation is for these incidents that have reached the level of savagery
to be rapidly stopped,” Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan said on
Wednesday.
RESPONSIBILITY
Erdogan and Foreign Minister Ahmet Davutoglu made separate calls to China to
bring “those responsible to account” in a transparent manner.
“We are following the events with great concern, worry and sadness,” the prime
minister said.
The reaction of the Turkish leaders echoed public anger in Turkey after local
media and pro-Uighur associations suggested that most of the victims were
Uighurs.
Several newspapers have printed gruesome images of dead people in the streets of
Urumqi following the clashes, triggering protests outside Chinese diplomatic
missions in Ankara and Istanbul over the past two days.
“The public conscience cannot accept these images,” Erdogan said, adding that
Turkey would take the issue to the UN Security Council.
About 500 Turks — members of a civil servants’ union and a far-right nationalist
group — laid black wreaths in front of the Chinese embassy before dispersing
peacefully. A similar protest was held outside the Chinese consulate in
Istanbul.
Also on Wednesday, a lawmaker from Turkey’s ruling Islamic-rooted party resigned
from a Chinese-Turkish parliamentary friendship group to protest the Chinese
government’s handling of the incidents.
BOYCOTT
A consumers’ group meanwhile called for a boycott of Chinese goods.
“We attach great importance to our friendship with China and we regard the
Uighurs as a bridge for this friendship,” Davutoglu said.
Turkey regards the Uighurs as brethren and is concerned about China’s treatment
of the minority group in the sprawling, far-flung western region of Xinjiang
which has long been a source of trouble for China’s communist government. Turkey
is home to a sizable Uighur community.
Hard to
tell friends from enemies
Friday, Jul 10, 2009, Page 8
News that a close relative of a senior military intelligence official is living
in a hostile country would be enough to set alarm bells ringing in most
countries. Such a revelation would probably lead to the official in question
being forced to recall his relative or being disciplined in some way.
Not so in Taiwan.
Reports this week that the daughter of Lee Wen-fang (李文芳), a section director at
the Military Intelligence Bureau, is studying in China may have raised a few
eyebrows among legislators, but other than some concerned voices being raised,
no action was taken. Lee’s bosses in the armed forces seemed satisfied that the
situation posed no threat to national security.
But then one shouldn’t be all that surprised by the lack of concern shown among
security officials when the man at the very top of the national security ladder
is himself compromised to a startling degree. Indeed, National Security Council
Secretary-General Su Chi (蘇起) has skeletons in his closet that would have
precluded him from ever obtaining such an important position in most
democracies.
In November 2005, for example, then-Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) legislator
Su reportedly stayed at the Central Chinese Communist Party (CCP) School guest
house in Beijing for three days. During his stay he was alleged to have made a
speech to senior CCP members and People’s Liberation Army leaders attacking the
US for interfering in the Taiwan problem and opposing US arms sales to Taiwan on
the strength of a referendum that failed only because of an unreasonable KMT
boycott. This episode unsurprisingly caused top US officials to question Su’s
loyalties.
With Su’s wife and brother relying on Chinese money — his wife recently
completed a book tour and made money from selling food mixers there, while his
brother teaches at a Chinese university — can Su really be expected to protect
Taiwan’s national interest when facing off with Beijing?
With such a man in charge of national security, others could be forgiven for
thinking their comparatively minor transgressions are acceptable.
Although cross-strait relations may have improved since President Ma Ying-jeou
(馬英九) came to power last year, China still has more than 1,400 ballistic
missiles trained on Taiwan and continues tailoring the modernization of its
military machine with one specific aim in mind — the annexation of Taiwan.
Improved economic ties and closer contact have not changed China’s agenda and it
is therefore folly for the Ma government to believe that China would not attempt
to take advantage of easy opportunities such as the one presented by Lee’s
daughter.
A failure to comprehend such threats betrays either a shocking naivete on the
part of the government or that Ma and his government don’t consider China a
threat, or worse still, both.
But with Ma also dependent on China’s goodwill so that he can deliver on his
election promises, the whole notion that he and this government are capable of
protecting Taiwan from a slow death at the hands of China’s creeping economic
encroachment is plainly absurd.
The question of how a government is supposed to maintain national security and
protect Taiwan from a hostile power like China when most of its top officials
rely on Beijing in one way or another is a conundrum that not even the best spin
doctors of the Ma administration have attempted to explain.
KMT’s
policy leaves it flat-footed
By Shih Chih-yu 石之瑜
Friday, Jul 10, 2009, Page 8
The director of China’s Taiwan Affairs Office (TAO), Wang Yi (王毅), has given
Taiwan the jitters by suggesting the opening up of the Taiwan Strait median
line. Such discussions had always been held behind closed doors and bringing it
out into the open challenges the Chinese Nationalist Party’s (KMT) policy of
avoiding discussion of unification, independence or armed conflict.
The KMT has only itself to blame because it has taken satisfaction in its
ability to maintain cross-strait peace since it returned to power last year and
it feels it should receive full credit for the international acclaim over the
detente across the Taiwan Strait.
However, has the cross-strait crisis ever been that serious? Is the contribution
of the KMT to cross-strait relations so remarkable? Why has the government
decided to adamantly defend the Taiwan Strait median line?
Beijing has suggested opening the Taiwan Strait median line, a symbol of
cross-strait animosity, to air traffic. This move has exposed the true colors of
the KMT’s policy of avoiding armed conflict and prioritizing cross-strait
economic exchanges. It seems the ruling and opposition parties have reached a
consensus on defending the median line, and from their and the public’s
unanimous reaction, it is clear that very few people consider that absence of
armed cross-strait conflict is the same as “true peace.”
However, the idea that the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) must be prevented from
taking military action to avoid cross-strait military conflict is built on the
premise that the PLA can wantonly engage in military aggression.
It is thus clear that the KMT’s policy to avoid armed conflict is essentially a
Cold War containment policy. But the Cold War has ended, and the PLA and the
Chinese regime are evolving. If the KMT continues to insist on a containment
policy, it will only contain Taiwan.
The Taiwanese independence extravaganza put on by high-level government
officials to further their own interests under the Democratic Progressive Party
(DPP) government never really jeopardized cross-strait peace. The reality is the
PLA has never wanted to invade Taiwan, nor does Washington want to fight a proxy
war between Taiwan and the PLA. The promotion of Taiwanese independence only
provided Beijing with an opportunity to give Washington the impression of being
a peacemaker while building its own power and creating the impression that it
was cooperating with the US to manage the cross-strait situation.
When President Ma Ying-jeou (馬英九) was forced to define his position, his
declaration was never aimed at Beijing and didn’t even have anything to do with
maintaining cross-strait peace. After all, cross-strait relations have never
been under threat since the great powers started watching over the Strait, and
the KMT itself can do nothing to change cross-strait peace. Ma’s motive was thus
simply to show independence supporters the KMT’s determination not to abandon
Taiwan. In addition, with the opposition spreading rumors about the National
Security Council head abandoning arms procurement, the KMT had no choice but to
make concessions on the median line issue.
If Taiwan were to declare independence, the median would be the national border.
If the KMT had not declared its stance to defend the median line, it would have
meant that the party denied the possibility of Taiwanese independence, which
would have been tantamount to the KMT destroying its future.
Therefore, consolidating the impression of a war crisis is a KMT strategy to
comfort independence advocates. In so doing, the KMT has been given the
opportunity to proclaim that it is better qualified to maintain cross-strait
peace than the opposition.
The PLA has given up its intention to cross the Taiwan Strait, the KMT has never
wanted to provoke its Chinese counterpart, supporters of Taiwanese independence
dare not declare war with China, and Washington is far from prepared to go to
war.
This is a top national secret with the potential to destroy the government’s
legitimacy, and it has now been exposed by Wang’s proposal to open up the median
line.
Shih Chih-yu is a political science
professor at National Taiwan University.
China can’t
save global economy
By Sushil Seth
Friday, Jul 10, 2009, Page 8
As the global economic meltdown continues to defy any rational solution, apart
from what sometimes looks like throwing good money after bad, there is a naive
belief that China might become the ultimate savior with its economic stimulation
program.
Lately, the estimates of China’s economic growth vary between 6 percent and 9
percent; not bad considering that much of the world is in a recessionary mode.
If true, it might not be long before China is again able to reach the
double-digit growth that has characterized it in the last few years.
As with everything Chinese these days, there is a tendency to look at things
through rose-tinted glasses. And with the world in the economic doldrums, the
tendency is even greater to look for a glimmer of hope somewhere. China appears
to hold that promise.
But to extrapolate China’s growth as a vehicle for global recovery is like
believing in the tooth fairy.
Leave aside the world; even for China its present economic strategy is a bit
dubious. The entire growth strategy of the state directing largesse into
infrastructure projects and the like is a stopgap arrangement.
It is based on the hope that, as in the past global recessions, the world
economy will soon recover to create demand for China’s falling export sector.
Until then, generous state spending on infrastructure and other state directed
projects will hold the fort, hopefully staving off growing social instability.
But there are problems with this line of thinking. Japan’s experience during its
decade or more of infrastructure spending is instructive in this respect.
Japan tried infrastructure spending (some good but much of it dubious) to lift
its economy during its long period of economic slowdown/stagnation, but with
unflattering results. In the end, Japan was helped by its robust export sector.
In other words, because the global economy was healthy and growing, Japan could
plug its export sector into it to keep ticking.
Besides, Japan’s domestic spending (though sluggish) constituted a large
proportion of its GDP.
But in the case of China, the picture is quite different.
First, the current global recession is unlike the ones before it. Previous
recessions were short-lived and economies rebounded with greater vigor.
Therefore, China was able to expand its export sector, with only a short
diversion at times into large scale infrastructure spending.
The current global recession, though, is systemic, steeped in a mountain of
private and public debt. It is, therefore, not going to be a short-lived
phenomenon.
And if and when the situation recovers, it is going be slow and painful.
Which means that the world, particularly the US with its seemingly insatiable
demand for Chinese goods, is unlikely to pick up the tab on Chinese exports with
the same alacrity.
And if China’s is looking for economic nirvana through a revived export sector
after a relatively short global recession, it is likely to be disappointed.
At the same time, its state directed investments in infrastructure and bank
lending are not a real solution. It is basically filler until normalcy returns,
which is more like wishful thinking — at least in its old form — than a
hardheaded policy.
Instead of being a vehicle of global economic revival, China has to think more
in terms of reviving its own economy in a more meaningful way.
The present infrastructure spending, as part of a nearly US$600 billion stimulus
package, will help but it is not going to fix China’s problems. Therefore, it
needs to stimulate its domestic consumer spending.
It has successfully managed to depress or contain economic demand at home to
produce exportable goods at cheaper prices with a skewed exchange rate. That
option is now constrained because of the deep global debt crisis.
Therefore, it has to stimulate its domestic consumer economy. But there are two
problems here.
First, China, both at the government and private level, puts great store by a
high savings rate of about 30 percent. From the government’s viewpoint, a high
rate of saving with low interest rates for its savers, contributes to China’s
low cost economy.
And with high private savings as a cushion against adversity, China has been
able to manage with the minimum spending on social services and the health of
its people.
This must change. China needs to modernize its social spending to take greater
care of its people’s education, health, old age and related services. This is
long overdue.
The expansion of the social services sector will create domestic demand for a
whole range of jobs and goods with a multiplier effect on the economy.
More than anything else, China badly needs to revive and upgrade its rural
sector. It can no longer afford to use its depressed rural economy to subside
the urban industrial sector.
If it wants to create a broadbased and sustained domestic economy, it needs to
put more resources into the rural economy.
This is necessary not only to bridge the urban-rural gap, but also to expand the
domestic economy through increased consumer demand beyond the urban middle class
of about 300 million people.
It is important to note that 800 million or more of China’s rural folk have been
largely left out of China’s industrial economy.
An expanded domestic economy will also create demand for foreign goods once
China undertakes to revalue its currency to better reflect the international
exchange mechanism.
There is a need for China to shed its hoarding mentality of building up currency
reserves, and large domestic savings for some sort of rainy day. It is no longer
vulnerable to the foreign manipulation and occupation of the 19th century.
A reinvigorated Chinese economy with a strong domestic base can play a useful
role internationally.
But with its historical baggage of a “century of humiliation” and a Leninist
political system, it might not be able to deliver.
Sushil Seth is a writer based in
Australia.