Obama declares swine flu outbreak an ‘emergency’

AFP, WASHINGTON
Monday, Oct 26, 2009, Page 1

US President Barack Obama has declared swine flu a “national emergency” as the US reels from millions of cases of infection and more than 1,000 deaths.

The emergency declaration, which was made public on Saturday, lets doctors and nurses temporarily bypass certain federal requirements so they can better handle a spike in influenza A(H1N1) patients.

The declaration comes just days after Health Secretary Kathleen Sebelius said that demand was outstripping supply of vaccine for the novel flu strain.

“The 2009 H1N1 pandemic continues to evolve,” Obama said in the declaration. “The rates of illness continue to rise rapidly within many communities across the nation, and the potential exists for the pandemic to overburden health care resources in some localities.”

US officials, however, said the declaration was not issued because of any specific development, but rather as a pre-emptive measure.

As Americans waited for more vaccine shipments, 46 of the 50 states have now reported widespread swine flu activity — an unusually early uptick that ordinarily takes place in January or February at the peak of a normal flu season.

“By rapidly identifying the virus, implementing public health measures, providing guidance for health professionals and the general public and developing an effective vaccine, we have taken proactive steps to reduce the impact of the pandemic and protect the health of our citizens,” Obama said.

The declaration gives Sebelius temporary authority to allow local authorities to set up makeshift emergency rooms to treat possible flu victims separate from regular patients.

In a note to Congress, Obama said the move was implemented “in order to be prepared in the event of a rapid increase in illness across the nation that may overburden health care resources.”

At least 4,999 people have died from swine flu infections worldwide since April, when an outbreak was first reported in Mexico. In the US, Sebelius first declared a public health emergency in response to the virus on April 26, and renewed that declaration on July 24 and Oct. 1.

Ma marks anniversary of historic battle on Kinmen
　

By Ko Shu-ling
STAFF REPORTER, KINMEN
Monday, Oct 26, 2009, Page 1
　

President Ma Ying-jeou (馬英九) visited Kinmen yesterday to mark the 60th anniversary of the battle of Kuningtou (古寧頭) in which Nationalist troops stopped the People’s Liberation Army from taking the island and threatening Taiwan proper.

Thanking the armed forces for winning the crucial battle after the Nationalists had lost China to the Communists, Ma said the fight was a pivotal moment in the history of China that changed the fate of both sides of the Strait.

Ma said that for the past 60 years the two sides have been governed by two different entities with entirely different ideologies and political and economic systems.

“The battle of Kuningtou was the first engagement in efforts by the Republic of China [ROC] government to protect Taiwan after it recovered the island in 1945,” he said. “The battle provided the basis for subsequent efforts to building Taiwan.”

The Battle of Kuningtou began on Oct. 25, 1949, when Communist Chinese warships carrying more than 10,000 troops landed at ­Kuningtou on the northwestern tip of Kinmen.

During the three-day battle, about 1,200 ROC soldiers died, while 3,000 of their Communist counterparts were killed and 7,000 captured.

Ma made the remarks while addressing military personnel inside Qingtian Tunnel (擎天坑道) at Kuningtou yesterday morning.

Ma said the two sides had engaged in “epoch-making experiments” since then.

Taiwan made strenuous efforts to survive under authoritarian and democratic rule and develop amid economic competition between the US, Japan and China.

“We successfully blended broad and profound Chinese tradition with the open and enterprising ocean culture and transformed it into a Chinese culture with distinguishing Taiwanese features,” he said.

China experienced dramatic changes over the years and now has risen economically and politically in East Asia, a road that was more difficult and tortuous than Taiwan’s, Ma said.

Looking back at the Battle of Kuningtou, Ma said the public not only owed thanks to those who lost their lives, but also a promise to turn a “killing zone” into a “peace square.”

“Our determination to build an army and prepare for war is resolute, and so is our will to protect Taiwan, Penghu, Kinmen and Matsu,” he said. “At the dawn of cross-strait reconciliation, we will resolve animosity, make peace sustainable and consign killing to history through cross-strait negotiations.”

Ma later attended the ribbon-cutting ceremony at Peace Memorial Square, where he urged both sides to “exercise the wisdom of the Chinese nation” to resolve cross-strait disputes with a peaceful approach that both sides find acceptable.

The president also said he would be happy to see the construction of a Kinmen Bridge, which would connect Kinmen island and Small Kinmen — or Lieyu (烈嶼), an islet township just west of Kinmen proper.

He then paid his respects at Mount Taiwu Cemetery (太武山公墓). At one point, he and the honor guard were dumbstruck when a wreath he had just laid at the tomb was blown off by a strong gust of wind. A member of the military quickly picked it up and put it back in place.

During the Battle of Kuningtou, Mount Taiwu was the target of China’s heaviest attacks because it housed the Kinmen Defense Command.

Revised import policy has lawmakers beefing
　

TURNING UP THE HEAT: The premier denied that the government’s policy on US beef has been inconsistent, but legislators said public health concerns were ignored
　

By Flora Wang and Vincent Y. chao
STAFF REPORTERS
Monday, Oct 26, 2009, Page 3
　

Premier Wu Den-yih (吳敦義) reiterated his defense of the government’s decision to lift the ban on US beef, saying that it would not allow internal organs banned by Canada and Europe to enter Taiwan.

During an inspection trip to Nantou, Wu denied that the government’s beef import policy had been inconsistent, saying it would require that imports meet the World Organization for Animal Health’s standards.

“We will not accept products banned in the US, Canada and Europe,” Wu said, referring to parts of the cow such as the brain, eyes, skull and spinal cord.

He said the government’s standard would be as strict as those of the US, the EU, Canada and South Korea.

Importers would also have to obtain product liability insurance to protect consumers’ rights.

Wu has been on the defensive since the Department of Health (DOH) announced on Friday that US beef would have greater access to Taiwan’s market after officials reached a consensus in Washington on Thursday.

Under the new accord, US bone-in beef, ground beef, intestines, brains, spinal cords and processed beef from cattle younger than 30 months that have not been contaminated with “specific risk” materials can be imported as of Nov. 10.

“Specific risk” materials are defined in the protocol as the brain, skull, eyes, trigeminal ganglia, spinal cord, vertebral column and dorsal root ganglia from cattle 30 months of age and older, or the tonsils and the distal ileum of the small intestine from all cattle.

At present, only imports of US boneless beef from cattle younger than 30 months that contain no specified risk materials are allowed.

The department’s announcement was immediately criticized by lawmakers across party lines as well as health care professionals.

The Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) caucus refused to endorse the new policy, saying that the department kept the caucus in the dark about the announcement.

The Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) caucus accused the government of trading the public’s health for its political interest.

It also threatened to boycott the review of the central government’s budget request for the next fiscal year.

Lawmakers questioned the idea of product liability insurance, saying that the measure was meaningless.

KMT caucus deputy secretary-general Lin Hung-chih (林鴻池) said preventing Taiwanese from contracting mad cow disease was more important.

DPP Legislator Huang Sue-ying (黃淑英), a member of the Social Welfare and Environmental Hygiene Committee, said the measure could not guarantee there would be no widespread outbreak of mad cow disease in Taiwan.

DPP caucus whip Wang Sing-nan (王幸男) lambasted the decision, saying public health concerns had been ignored and threatened to boycott the legislative debate on next year’s budget unless the tougher beef ban was reimposed.

Medical professionals slammed the decision, saying it ignored professional medical opinion.

“We shouldn’t lift the restrictions; we don’t have the necessary protective measures,” said Chen Shun-sheng (陳順勝), a professor of Neurology at Chang Gung University. “Professionally, we cannot accept this decision.”

Chen said Taiwan didn’t have the medical facilities to handle an outbreak of mad cow disease.

Taiwan would have to send patients with BSE to the UK and the US if an outbreak occurred, he said.

The government’s research funding into prions, the root cause behind Bovine Spongiform Encephalopathy (BSE) or mad cow disease, has been woefully inadequate, he said.

Chen proposed that the government follow restrictions instituted by Japan in 2006 that limit the import of beef to those from cattle less than 20 months of age.

British government statistics show there have been no confirmed BSE cases in cattle less than 20 months of age.

The Foundation of Medical Professionals Alliance in Taiwan also expressed concern that the decision would place the nation in the same risk category as the US.

It said the move could hurt Taiwan’s burgeoning agricultural exports to countries such as China, which have tougher restrictions on US beef.

Wu Shuh-min (吳樹民), president of the alliance, criticized the government for ignoring the welfare of its citizens.

“I think it’s clear that the decision did not originate from the Department of Health. I don’t think asking the health minister to step down will solve the problem,” Wu said when asked who he thought should take responsibility for the new policy.

Can the KMT clean up its act?

Monday, Oct 26, 2009, Page 8

The members of the Chinese Nationalist Party’s (KMT) newly elected power center, the Central Standing Committee, resigned en masse at their first meeting, forcing a re-election. This is unprecedented in the century-long history of the KMT. Although it highlights the fact that the corruption that lies at the heart of the KMT has not disappeared, we will have to wait and see if this is the event that finally prompt party reform.

Every KMT election, from the central committee to the central standing committee, has resulted in accusations of vote-buying. In the past, the party always said that all such allegations would be thoroughly investigated and always found that no irregularities had been detected.

The latest elections were business as usual: campaigning, handshakes and small gifts, including everything from soy sauce, salted fish and red wine to deep cleansing face masks and orchids. Strictly speaking, these gifts have limited value compared with the expensive foreign spirits and gold pens of the party-government era, but it was educational to hear candidates pay lip service to President Ma Ying-jeou’s (馬英九) call for ethical reform while giving gifts and soliciting votes behind his back.

Following a wave of sarcasm and criticism, Ma ordered an exhaustive investigation. The dutiful expulsions of two committee members were met with ridicule in the party. Some said the two unlucky were picked simply because they were easy targets, while others wondered what would happen to the year-end elections if the investigations were allowed to proceed. Ma said the investigation must be exhaustive and that anyone found guilty would have to step down. Those close to Ma who are more attuned to the direction the wind is blowing hurried to a news conference, where they called for new elections. Ma welcomed the call.

Party headquarters immediately hinted that all members should resign and within a day, more than 20 newly elected members had done so, thus forcing a re-election.

Still, this isn’t enough to solve the KMT’s problems. The division between party and government has yet to be defined and the party’s core values remain unclear, giving rise to different political aspirations. Some hold the parochial view that the party should direct the government and feel that investing in a campaign is worthwhile because the committee can influence government policy. Others think the party should assist the government, and although a place on the central standing committee may not allow them much influence over government policy, it will impress Chinese officials into giving them preferential treatment, which makes the investment worthwhile.

If, however, the party were reduced to an electoral machine, few people would be interested in running for the central standing committee.

While, the KMT must hold a new election, Ma must first define the party’s, the Cabinet’s and the legislature’s role and relationship, and the party’s political ideals and regulations, so that those considering a candidacy know what they are getting into, so that those interested in power and money alone can back out. Only then could the KMT restore its slogan from a hundred years ago: “sharing ideals and beliefs.”

If Ma is unwilling to clarify these things and recognize the central standing committee election directed by his predecessor, Wu Poh-hsiung (吳伯雄), and if the re-elections exclude other forces, the party will be enveloped in rumors of political conspiracy. If that happens, even with a reshuffled central standing committee, the KMT’s future will be a gloomy one.

A Hu meeting deserves attention
　

By Liu Shih-chung 劉世忠
Monday, Oct 26, 2009, Page 8

‘The DPP presidential candidate will have to come up with a stronger and more constructive cross-strait policy alternative to counterbalance the impact of a potential Ma-Hu meeting in late 2011.’

In his first interview with an international news agency after taking over as chairman of the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT), President Ma Ying-jeou (馬英九) said “he does not rule out the possibility of meeting Chinese Communist Party [CCP] General Secretary Hu Jintao (胡錦濤).”

Ma also announced in his national day address that “although this year’s Double-Ten Day celebration was canceled because of the Typhoon [Morakot] disaster, [his] government will spend the next year celebrating the centennial anniversary of the Republic of China.”

Some pro-Beijing Hong Kong media published a message immediately after Ma became KMT chairman showing that the government of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) would invite all major Taiwanese political parties to China in celebration of the 100 year anniversary of the overthrow of the Qing Dynasty.

The report said the event would help push forward political reconciliation across the Taiwan Strait, allowing the highest leaders of both sides to meet and laying the groundwork for a peace agreement.

Contrary to conventional wisdom that Ma will hold off meeting Hu until (and if) he is re-elected in 2012 and before Hu steps down as CCP general secretary in the same year, both the KMT and the CCP have floated the idea an earlier Ma-Hu meeting, most likely in 2011.

Despite Ma saying that during his term he would not discuss political issues — including unification — with Beijing and would only try to sign an economic cooperation framework agreement (ECFA), his pledge does not mean that both sides cannot “create an atmosphere” for negotiation on political matters such as a peace agreement before Ma wins re-election.

Ma will play the “cross-strait relations card” — as his government has done since he was inaugurated in May last year — to cultivate an image that once (and if) he is re-elected, he will engage with his Chinese counterpart on political issues such as demanding that the PRC remove the more than 1,400 ballistic missiles it points at Taiwan, strengthening military ­confidence-building mechanisms and signing a peace agreement.

An earlier meeting with Hu would boost his campaign for re-election if Ma handles it with political skill and caution. Beijing would also like to see Ma re-elected so that it won’t have to face a new Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) president in 2012.

Beijing’s political calculation is to continuously frame cross-strait relations under its “one China” unification scenario. Most importantly, to eliminate the possibility of the opposition DPP winning back power, Beijing will help Ma’s re-election by playing along with his agenda.

The thinking behind the Ma administration is to use the celebration of the ROC centennial to consolidate the alleged legitimacy of its “one China” vision. Even if cross-strait relations become problematic, Ma can still advocate ROC sovereignty to appeal to middle-of-the-road voters. And if both sides agree to a Ma-Hu meeting in 2012, Ma could use his capacity as KMT chairman to downplay the political sensitivity of meeting Hu as president of Taiwan.

This strategy has a precedent. When Association for Relations Across the Taiwan Strait Chairman Chen Yunlin (陳雲林) visited Taiwan in November, both the KMT and the CCP agreed not to highlight Ma’s title as president of Taiwan.

Since Beijing would have final say over a potential Ma-Hu meeting in 2011, the Ma administration could suggest a third place for such an encounter. The APEC leaders’ summit in 2011 — scheduled to be held in the US — presents an opportunity for the Ma administration to persuade the administration of US President Barack Obama to facilitate a “KMT-CCP chairmen” meeting.

Although there are risks associated with such an agenda, it is hard to image why Ma would not seek such a historic meeting in the run-up to his re-election campaign. Ma could highlight the importance of a “diplomatic breakthrough” and “cross-strait peace” to minimize DPP criticism if he attends APEC summit and meets Hu as KMT chairman. A Ma-Hu meeting would also dominate the presidential campaign and distract media and public attention away from his administration’s poor governance.

The DPP presidential candidate will have to come up with a stronger and more constructive cross-strait policy alternative to counterbalance the impact of a potential Ma-Hu meeting in late 2011. A consensus on how to face the rise of China and to engage the PRC, encompassing both a feasible policy and hedging tactics, is essential for the DPP.

A debate on the party’s China policy would be helpful early next year to forge internal consensus. Adhering to the principles of letting the Taiwanese public decide any possible deals with the PRC also constitutes the most important strategy for avoiding the negative impact of an early Ma-Hu meeting.

Liu Shih-chung is a visiting fellow at the Center for Northeast Asian Policy Studies at the Brookings Institution.