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EDITORIAL: Facing up
to Tiananmen
Egypt is the first Arab Spring country that has brought its former ruler to
justice, imprisoning former president Hosni Mubarak for life for the killing of
protesters last year. Neither Mubarak nor the crowds listening to the sentencing
were happy with the verdict: The former was displeased over the severity of the
sentence and the latter thought he got off too lightly. Even if you could say
this is delayed justice, it is justice nevertheless. This, at least, has been
welcomed by many people in the country.
It has been 23 years since the Tiananmen Square Massacre of June 4, 1989, but it
is still very much a contentious issue. Every year, on the anniversary of the
event, the Chinese government gets jittery. What is Beijing going to do about a
problem like June 4?
Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao (·Å®aÄ_) has the will to address the situation and
resistance to revisiting the incident has waned following the Bo Xilai (Á¡º³¨Ó)
controversy. However, while many of the main players in the massacre, such as
then-Chinese premier Li Peng (§õÄP), are still alive, it will be very difficult
for China to view the matter with any objectivity.
During those 23 years, China has come a long way and it now has a stronger
economy and a more well-equipped military. However, China is still not regarded
internationally as a mainstream advanced country, as it lags far behind global
standards in terms of politics and human rights. The Tiananmen Massacre is an
important benchmark for the development of human rights in China. Until the
events of that fateful day are addressed, and while the government restricts the
Internet and suppresses its people on the eve of the anniversary of the event,
China will always be a backward country.
Taiwan experienced something similar. During the 1980s, the economy was soaring
and political reform was under way, but this was all under the shadow of the 228
Massacre and the period of White Terror. Social divisions only started to heal
after then-president Lee Teng-hui (§õµn½÷) ordered an investigation into the
suppression of political dissidents, offered an apology and legislated
compensation for the victims. Nevertheless, the authorities have not managed to
put the 228 Massacre completely behind us, as the investigation was not complete
and a consensus on what exactly happened has yet to be reached.
It was thus possible for former premier Hau Pei-tsun (°q¬f§ø) to express doubts
over the actual number of people who died and for some academics to produce
historical documents purporting to show the government had actually compensated
the victims soon after the incident. These people reject the documented
historical situation and are using non-impartial evidence to support their
biased ideas.
The Chinese Communist Party (CCP) itself has been responsible for reinterpreting
its past, to which China¡¦s implementation of market reforms, the Cultural
Revolution and the role of the Gang of Four can attest. Surely the
reinterpretation of angry protests in Guangdong Province¡¦s Wukan village is yet
another example, with the reported ¡§imported mob¡¨ later revealed to have been a
group of enraged villagers.
As power is transferred to a new generation of leaders, the political situation
and the resolve of Beijing¡¦s leaders will be crucial for political reform.
The Tiananmen Massacre remains taboo in China. However, economic and military
success in the intervening years mean that China is standing on the verge of
social and political reform, which could spell the beginning of the thaw. The
first step to this end must be an investigation into the truth. This is the
joint responsibility of officials and the public alike and such an investigation
must be unbiased and objective if it is to have any hope of laying the
foundations for understanding and forgiveness between the victims and the
protagonists. If this does not happen, the enmity and fear will become
protracted and China will sink into a state of internal conflict from which it
will be difficult to return.
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