EDITORIAL: Xi¡¦s memo
is a wake-up call
Chinese President Xi Jinping (²ßªñ¥) and his comely wife, Peng Liyuan (´^ÄR´D), may
be the most outwardly attractive first couple to lead China in several
generations, but behind the smiles and the glamor lies a hardline streak that
Taiwan should not ¡X cannot ¡X ignore.
For months before he became president and chairman of the Chinese Communist
Party (CCP), China watchers were divided on whether Xi would be a reformist in
the same vein as former Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev or the continuation of
more conservative elements within the Chinese leadership.
That speculation came to a head last week, when sections of a secret memo to
Chinese officials were briefly made public in Chinese media.
¡§Concerning the Situation in the Ideological Sphere,¡¨ issued by China¡¦s Central
Committee General Office, leaves no doubt now that Xi¡¦s regime is both
stringently nationalistic and altogether hostile to Western values and
Coming on the heels of regulation issued to Chinese universities about the
¡§seven evil subjects¡¨ ¡X universal values, freedom of the press, civil society,
civic rights, historical mistakes by the CCP, crony networks and judicial
independence ¡X the memo urged Chinese officials to be relentless in their
opposition to the West. In rhetoric reminiscent of former Chinese leader Mao
Zedong (¤ò¿AªF), it called on officials to adopt ¡§battlefield tactics¡¨ against
liberalism and internal dissent.
This call for mobilization, along with references to China as being ¡§besieged¡¨
by Western plots and values, should put to sleep any notion that China under Xi
will move in the direction of political reform.
While this bodes ill for the future of China¡¦s relations with Western countries,
these revelations should be especially alarming for countries like Taiwan, or
Special Administrative Regions like Hong Kong, where Western values ¡X notions
such as freedom of the press, liberalism, right of assembly and so on ¡X have
For the CCP, there is nothing more dangerous and threatening than for those
¡§pollutants¡¨ to be picked up, internalized and adapted by ¡§Chinese¡¨ societies.
While directives like the notorious memo and the ¡§seven evil subjects¡¨ will be
used to intensify crackdowns on Chinese dissidents, they will increasingly
regulate how Beijing interacts with ¡§dangerous¡¨ societies that have espoused the
very values that threaten the CCP¡¦s grip on power.
Such work has already begun in Hong Kong and Chinese pressure on Taiwan to
cooperate in academia, culture and the media ¡X efforts that are part of a united
front strategy with close ties to the Chinese intelligence apparatus ¡X are well
under way. Those in Taiwan who hoped that exchanges and cooperation with Chinese
would help foster change within China, or those who regard Taiwan as a means to
an end, as an instrument by which to democratize China, are headed for a rude
Xi¡¦s CCP will not allow Westernized ¡§Chinese¡¨ societies to transform China and
will do everything it can to turn the tables by undermining liberalism with
those. It will seek to demonstrate that Western values are alien to ¡§Chinese¡¨
societies and that they are but a transient phenomenon that cannot withstand the
natural forces of Chinese exceptionalism.
The CCP has shown its cards. It is now up to Taiwan and Hong Kong, hopefully
with help from other societies that have espoused similar values, to meet that
challenge and to erect the appropriate defenses. The battle lines have changed;
China, more sure of its ability, is on the counteroffensive and it is taking the
war of ideas abroad, starting with the societies closest to it.