| EDITORIAL: 
Resignation portends more strife
 Minister of Justice Tseng Yung-fu (曾勇夫) shook legal and political circles on 
Friday, when he stepped down following accusations of influence peddling. 
Whether this will calm the situation remains to be seen as the legal and 
political repercussions develop.
 
 The Special Investigation Division (SID) was made aware of the possible 
influence peddling after monitoring the telephone calls of Democratic 
Progressive Party (DPP) legislative caucus whip Ker Chien-ming (柯建銘). During a 
telephone call, Ker asked Legislative Speaker Wang Jin-pyng (王金平) to ask Tseng 
and Taiwan High Prosecutors’ Office Head Prosecutor Chen Shou-huang (陳守煌) not to 
appeal Ker’s acquittal in a recent embezzlement trial. According to the SID, 
Tseng would now be referred to the Control Yuan for an impeachment probe, while 
Chen would be subject to an administrative evaluation.
 
 Tseng and Chen have denied the charges and Tseng said: “It is a shame that the 
SID is accusing people with false facts.”
 
 Even Lin Shiow-tao (林秀濤), the prosecutor in charge of Ker’s breach of trust 
case, says that the SID is deliberately distorting the evidence, implying that 
the SID is investigating officials because of personal animosity.
 
 The telephone records made public by the SID make it clear that Ker asked Wang 
for help and mentioned Tseng’s name, but this is not direct evidence that Tseng 
and Chen are guilty of influence peddling. It is not clear whether the 
prosecutor in Ker’s case decided not to appeal due to pressure from superiors or 
because of a professional evaluation of the case.
 
 It is not certain that Tseng was legally obliged to resign, but it will be 
difficult for him and Chen to escape moral judgement.
 
 This case involves leaders in both the pan-blue and pan-green camps, which is 
likely to have far-reaching political repercussions. Some have even suggested 
that this is all a plot thought up by President Ma Ying-jeou (馬英九) to hit three 
birds with one stone. Ma and Wang do not get along, and this is just the 
beginning of the storm. Ma was quick to make his position clear, and that 
Tseng’s resignation was so quickly approved makes observers think this is just 
the first stage, and that the real target — Wang — is next.
 
 Wang’s connections within and influence over the legislature and Taiwan’s 
political scene is unrivaled, and an attack by Ma on Wang is likely to create a 
strong backlash, both in the legislature and within the Chinese Nationalist 
Party (KMT).
 
 The legislature is about to start its next session, and any changes to the 
leadership of the legislature or the DPP’s legislative caucus will create 
discontent within the KMT. The DPP is also likely to do all it can to block any 
such changes. If the legislature turns against Ma, there is a clear risk that 
major legal bills, such as the cross-strait service trade agreement, the 
referendum on the continued construction of the Fourth Nuclear Power Plant in 
Gongliao District (貢寮), New Taipei City (新北市), and reforms to the system of 
special privileges of military personnel, civil servants and public school 
teachers could come to naught.
 
 Tseng’s resignation was only the prelude and the main act will begin when Wang 
returns to Taiwan. Ma will require a sound plan and all his intelligence to 
control how the case develops, prevent a chain reaction and minimize the 
after-effects. Unfortunately for Ma, public confidence in his abilities is not 
high.
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