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EDITORIAL: KMT
‘reform’ shows Ma desperate
The Chinese Nationalist Party’s (KMT) 19th national congress was conducted in a
peculiar manner. To evade the ever-present shoe-throwing protesters, the venue
was changed to Greater Taichung’s remote Wuci District (梧棲) and Legislative
Speaker Wang Jin-pyng (王金平) — a political enemy to some in the party — was
warmly welcomed and supported by the media and party delegates, receiving more
attention than President Ma Ying-jeou (馬英九).
Were it not for the passage of a proposal to change the KMT’s charter so that
“the [nation’s] president shall, as a matter of course, double as party
chairman,” Ma, who is also the KMT chairman, would have had a rotten time at the
congress.
Was this change good for Ma? Perhaps he is afraid that a big loss in the
seven-in-one elections next year will make him a lame duck president and unless
he holds on to the party chairmanship, he will lose all his power. With this
change to the party’s charter, Ma will be able to remain chairman if the polls
go badly.
However, everyone has seen through the president’s plan and polls show that more
than 60 percent of the public oppose the change because it goes against the
spirit of political accountability. The move means KMT members will bear the
consequences of electoral defeat, instead of the chairman. How can a chairman
who does not bear the responsibility for his party’s performance in elections
continue to occupy his post with any dignity?
Having watched its leader make escape plans ahead of the elections, morale in
the KMT is unlikely to improve and there is little doubt that the party will
fare badly in next year’s polls. KMT members and supporters are not stupid —
local strongmen will ignore the party leadership and consolidate their own
nominations, campaigns and post-election situations.
Ma said the charter was changed to set up a new system of cooperation between
the party and the government, not to serve individual interests or for personal
gain. He also said it would not be appropriate to apply the new regulation to
him, but he had to act for the good of future KMT heads of state. However, if a
KMT president has no interest in doubling as party chairman — just like Ma did
when he initially tried to avoid the chairmanship — the new rule will do the
party a great disservice.
When he first became president, Ma felt the party should be kept separate from
the state; it was only later that he started arguing that the KMT should assist
the government. However, what contributions has the party made to government
policy in the years Ma has doubled as party chairman? If he believes that it is
so important to double as chairman, why is his administration responsible for
such an underwhelming lack of achievements, and why are the Cabinet and the
legislature going their separate ways? The issue is not how many leaders there
are, but who the strongest is.
The irregularities in the Ma administration are the result of the preference for
one strong leader. All major policies, such as the 12-year compulsory education
system, abolishing conscription, instigating organizational reform and
establishing “free economic pilot zones” were created by political appointees
who were referencing the president’s election promises and statements. The
problem is that, given Ma’s mediocrity and incompetence, any attempt to look to
him for leadership is futile.
Judging from the urgency with which Ma had the KMT charter changed, it is clear
that his power is waning. He clings to his presidential and party powers as if
they were lifesavers, but he is clutching at straws. In the end, he will pay the
price by seeing the KMT’s public approval rating drop further.
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