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The Liberty Times
Editorial: Government’s missed opportunity
When American Institute in Taiwan Chairman Raymond Burghardt visits Taiwan, he
comes with a mission. Ostensibly, he arrived on Dec. 8 to deliver a briefing on
US Vice President Joe Biden’s Asian tour, but this could have easily been
handled via a meeting with Taiwan’s representative in Washington King Pu-tsung
(金溥聰).
The actual reason for Burghard’s visit was to exchange opinions with President
Ma Ying-jeou (馬英九) and verify his position at a time when his administration is
dealing with China’s unilateral announcement of its air defense identification
zone (ADIZ).
Before Burghardt arrived, South Korea announced that its air defense
identification zone would be expanded to include the skies over Marado Island
and the waters around Hongdo Island to the south of Leodo Reef and Jeju Island.
Parts of this zone overlap with China’s East China Sea air defense
identification zone as well as Japan’s ADIZ. The US State Department immediately
expressed its support, while Taiwan’s foreign and defense ministries, oddly,
expressed their “concern.”
The Ma administration’s concern could be a result of South Korea’s neglecting to
consult with Taiwan, or it could stem from a fundamentally conservative
approach. However, South Korea’s expansion of its air defense identification
zone complies with international law and precedent, and the way Seoul managed
the decision stood in stark contrast to Beijing’s handling of the issues
concerning its new zone. The US particularly expressed its gratitude to South
Korea, and Japan was prepared for the announcement.
The South Korean administration was transparent in its decisionmaking process
including the planning stages at the Blue House’s national security policy
adjustment conference and suggestions for response measures. In addition, South
Korean President Park Geun-hye made the final decision after discussing the
issue with Biden during his visit and had held consultations with Japan and
China before that.
The announcement was made on Dec. 8 and is set to take effect tomorrow. By
comparison, China implemented its East China Sea air defense identification zone
at 10am on Nov. 23, the same day that Beijing announced the demarcation. In
addition, South Korea has said it will respect the right of others to use the
airspace freely and will not threaten to take any drastic measures against
anyone that does not comply with its instructions.
It is likely that many will be unable to understand why the Ma administration is
expressing concern over the South Korean air defense identification zone, which
is located far away from Taiwan, but not over China’s East China Sea zone, which
partially overlaps with the Taipei Flight Information Region. Why the
incongruous behavior? Where does Taiwan stand when it comes to international
norms and its own interests?
Is it possible that the government is concerned over Beijing’s needs to the
extent that it is willing to disregard international norms and its own
interests? No other country would conduct its foreign policy in this way. This
is why Burghardt’s visit to Taiwan to see Ma is so important.
Chinese President Xi Jinping’s (習近平) use of the air defense identification zone
and the aircraft carrier Liaoning to stress the recent establishment of China’s
national security council was aimed at both a domestic and international
audience. This approach is now running out of steam due to Xi’s miscalculation
of the Japanese, South Korean and, above all, US reaction.
First, in response to South Korea’s expansion of its air defense zone, Japanese
Defense Minister Itsunori Onodera said that Seoul’s actions differed from
Beijing’s and would not constitute a problem in relations between Japan and
South Korea. This makes it clear that Biden’s attempts at rebuilding relations
between the two countries has met with initial success. China may have thought
it could use differences between the US, Japan and South Korea to give itself
the position of undisputed leader in East Asia, but the obstacles are still too
great, and any such attempt would only serve to strengthen the US-Japanese
security alliance.
Second, the economic situation remains an indicator of how long the US will
continue to dominate the world. US debt stands at US$16 trillion, and China, the
US’ largest debtor country, owns US$1.3 trillion of that. The recent issue over
Iran’s nuclear ambitions was only temporarily solved with a preliminary six
month agreement. And while the US first said that it would take military action
against Syria’s chemical weapons, it later decided not to.
If these are the reasons Beijing is choosing to put pressure on the US now, it
is making an even bigger mistake. The fact is that Biden’s Middle East peace
talks and the insistence on appointing Chuck Hagel as defense secretary reflect
US President Barrack Obama’s second term strategy to move away from the Middle
East. On the question of where he will take the US once he pulls out of the
Middle East — as Biden said in South Korea on Nov. 6: “President Obama’s
decision to rebalance the Pacific basin is not in question. The United States
never says anything it does not do.”
Xi Jinping’s Chinese dream is becoming a nightmare for China’s neighbors. How
long will it take him to repair China’s image, and how will he be able to pull
back without losing face? This is something that the Chinese leadership and
Chinese intellectuals must think long and hard about.
In Taiwan, the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) is doing whatever the Chinese
Communist Party tells it to, and Ma behaves like Xi’s servant. In the end, it
will lose a crucial opportunity to show the world that Taiwan insists on peace
and carries strategic importance, and this is a big problem for Taiwanese
society.
Translated by Perry Svensson
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