Prev Up Next

 

Tibetan Olympic torch relayed
 

MAKE OUR OWN GAME: As an application by 'Team Tibet' was rejected by the International Olympic Committee, the exiles will hold their own Olympics


By Loa Iok-sin
STAFF REPORTER

Monday, Feb 25, 2008, Page 2

 

Tsering Chungtak, right, Miss Tibet of 2006, leads a run with Tibetans who live in Taiwan, at National Taiwan Democracy Memorial Hall yesterday as part of the torch relay for the Tibetan Olympics to be held in Dharamsala, India, in May.


PHOTO: AFP, CHIANG YING-YING


The Taipei leg of the torch relay for the 2008 Tibetan Olympics took place yesterday with Tibetan expats in Taiwan, several Tibet support groups and Miss Tibet 2006 Tsering Chungtak in attendance.

"I feel very, very happy to be here today ? to celebrate the spirit of the Olympics," Chungtak told spectators, supporters of the free Tibet campaign and reporters gathered in front of the National Taiwan Democracy Memorial Hall, where the relay took place.

"The Tibetan Olympics is a chance for young Tibetan men and women to enjoy the Olympics," she said.

The Tibetan Olympics has been organized by Tibetans in exile, and will take place in Dharamshala, India -- the seat of the Tibetan government-in-exile -- between May 15 and May 25.

So far, 15 Tibetan athletes have signed up to compete in the 10 events that make up the Tibetan Olympics, said Li Jieh-mei (李介媚), an organizer for the Taipei leg of the torch relay.

The events include long-distance running, swimming, shooting and archery, and six track and field events, according to the Tibetan Olympics Web site.

Tibetans in exile have filed an application to the International Olympic Committee to participate in the Beijing Olympics as "Team Tibet," but it was rejected.

The Tibetans therefore decided to organize their own Olympics, Taiwan Friends of Tibet chairwoman Chow Mei-li (周美里) said.

However, Chow still reminded observers to keep an eye on China after the Olympics.

"We should observe whether the Beijing Olympics will be like the 1936 Berlin Olympics, or the 1988 Seoul Olympics that helped to push for more democracy in South Korea," she said.

After a brief introduction to the Tibetan Olympics, the torch was brought forward as the Tibetans sang their national anthem.

A group of Tibetans and Chungtak chanted "Free Tibet" and "Boycott the Beijing Olympics"as they made a symbolic torch walk.

The relay began in New Delhi, India, on Jan. 30 and Taipei is the second stop for the relay after it passed through Sydney, Australia, on Feb. 17.

The organizers of the torch relay purposely chose Jan. 30 to begin the relay, because that was the birthday of Mohandas Gandhi, the leader of the non-violent resistance movement against British colonial rule, Chow told the audience at the ceremony.

After Taipei, the torch will travel to Dharamshala, India for a ceremony to mark the 49th anniversary of the March 10 Tibetan Uprising.

The relay will then continue through eight other cities in six countries -- including Japan, the US, Bolivia, the UK, South Africa and Israel -- before the torch finally returns to Dharamshala on May 25 for the Games' closing ceremony.

 


 

Miss Tibet shares thoughts on sports and pageants
 

By Jenny W. Hsu
STAFF REPORTER

Monday, Feb 25, 2008, Page 2


Standing in front of an oversized picture of the Dalai Lama, the 23- year-old Tibetan beauty queen from India clasped her palms together and bowed her head before pulling up a chair.

"I respect His Holiness and I follow his teachings," she said, saying the phrase "role model" was grossly insufficient to describe the impact that the Tibetan spiritual leader has had on her and on the world, "because he is everything."

Tsering Chungtak, a sociology major from the University of New Delhi, made headlines last December when she was expelled from the 2007 Miss Tourism competition in Malaysia for standing up against the Chinese government and refusing to wear a sash that read "Miss Tibet-China."

It had been reported that the Chinese government pressured the organizers to bar Chungtak from participating in the event unless she took off the "Miss Tibet" sash.

"I refused to wear the sash because the title [Miss Tibet-China] is unacceptable to me and it will remain unacceptable until the Tibet issue is resolved," she said.

In an interview with the BBC, Chungtak said she was shocked when she was asked to leave for her refusal to wear the sash because "this is a beauty pageant, it's not at all related to politics."

"I did not call my parents when it happened. I made the decision myself on the spot," she said.

The aspiring actress and singer who repeatedly referred to herself as a "simple, humble" person, was crowned Miss Tibet in 2006 in the northern Indian hilltop town of Dharamsala, home of the Tibetan government-in-exile and residence of 1989 Nobel Peace Prize laureate the Dalai Lama.

This marked the second time that a Tibetan beauty pageant entrant has claimed Chinese influence on the competition.

In 2005, Tashi Yangchen also left the contest after the Chinese authorities said she would have to enter as Miss Tibet-China.

In spite of China's human-rights abuses in Tibet, Chungtak told the Taipei Times in an exclusive interview that she believes Beijing should still host the upcoming Olympic Games.

"I think Beijing should get the opportunity to host the Olympics because the games celebrate the spirit of sports. Moreover, it gives Beijing a chance to prove its claims about the human rights conditions in Tibet and China," she said, adding the international event will also give the world the opportunity to judge the truthfulness of Beijing's claims.

Chungtak arrived in Taiwan last Tuesday at the invitation of the Miss Taiwan organizers. She also took part in the 2008 Tibetan Olympic Torch relay, which made its stop in Taiwan yesterday.

"As a Tibetan, I cannot speak for Taiwan. But I believe the future of Taiwan is in the hands of the Taiwanese people and no one else should be allowed to make any decisions regarding Taiwan," she said.

When asked about her experience over the last five days, Chungtak said Taiwan was a beautiful country. However she declined to comment further on Taiwan's democracy, saying she did not wish to say anything that could be construed as influencing mext month's presidential race.

 


 

 


 

Cross-strait threats versus reality
 

By Lin Cho-shui 林濁水
Monday, Feb 25, 2008, Page 8


POPULAR CHINESE ECONOMIST Hu Angang (胡鞍剛) has famously commented that Taiwan would not last more than seven days if China were to initiate trade and economic warfare, as it is overly reliant on China. Some in Taiwan anxiously cite his words to oppose direct links and the lifting of the 40 percent cap on China-bound investment, because they believe such moves would make Taiwan even more dependent on China. These individuals demand that those in favor of direct links first convincingly refute Hu's argument before they discuss opening direct links or lifting the investment cap.

The problem is that whether China decides to initiate economic warfare is not dependent on someone convincingly refuting Hu. Instead, it depends on whether Beijing has been convinced by Hu's arguments. Although Hu has influenced mainstream economic policy, he is a rabid nationalist and a total fundamentalist when it comes to cross-strait policy. There's no country in the world without fundamentalists. However, they rarely grasp the reins of power.

Under the threat of the fundamentalist faction, China engaged in military exercises last year, causing Japan and the US to announce a new direction for their security pact by officially listing China as a target for military containment. The US even raised the specifications on arms sales to Taiwan on this pretext. The pursuit of immediate satisfaction brought significant strategic losses for Beijing -- and later led to transfers for the military officials who advocated strong offensive attitudes toward the US.

Previously, pro-unification supporters often echoed Beijing's insistence that China could bring Taiwan to heel militarily in less than one month -- thus Taiwanese independence, legislative elections, direct presidential elections, constitutional amendments or referendums must not be pursued for fear of reprisals. In 2000, then Chinese premier Zhu Rongji (朱鎔基) threatened dire consequences if the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) presidential candidate were elected president. However, Beijing did not end up taking any action. In the end, threats abounded, but actions were restrained.

Now, there are only economic sanctions rather than missiles, which project a very different international image and are apparently capable of bringing about unification within seven days. This is an ultra low-cost option with an extremely good payoff, to the point that not pursuing it would be illogical. Some say that Beijing is only holding off temporarily, rather than holding off because it is incapable. This is even more bizarre: Why would politicians leave a good scoring opportunity to those who come after them?

What is the possibility that China will take action against Taiwan? Currently, in the global electronics industry supply chain, half of China's international export surplus is made possible through Taiwanese businesses. In The World is Flat, Thomas Friedman claims that China could not possibly bear the cost it would have to pay for destroying Taiwan as an independent country. He says that any two countries that are slave to the same global supply chain would not actually engage in war. If they did, the consequence of economic recession in China would probably not something that Beijing's leaders -- who are ever attentive of their authority -- would be willing to confront.

This is why when President Chen Shui-bian (陳水扁) was elected president on Mar. 20, 2000, China had to use concrete non-military means to refute its own threats of reprisal prior to the election. Now, Hu is also about to contradict himself, without any help from Taiwan's supporters of direct links. Actually, he has already reversed himself: After saying that Taiwan is overly reliant on China, so that Beijing could defeat Taiwan after just seven days of economic warfare, he said that Taiwan has marginalized itself in the integration of the East Asian economy through its "no haste, be patient" policy.

These two viewpoints are completely contradictory. If over-reliance on China is a fact, and China has been integrated with East Asia, then would Taiwan not also be integrated because of its high reliance on China? How is this marginalizing? If the "no haste, be patient" policy effectively prevented Taiwanese businesses from investing in China to the point that Hu must voice his strong opposition, then Taiwan would not be overly reliant on China. So how could China defeat Taiwan in seven days of economic warfare?

Fundamentalists the world over will always come to contradictions between arguments and reality -- sometimes their arguments are even self-contradictory. Hence Hu will refute himself, and save anyone else the trouble.

Lin Cho-shui is a former Democratic Progressive Party legislator.

 


 

One rule for Kosovo, another one for Taiwan
 

By Allen Houng 洪裕宏
Monday, Feb 25, 2008, Page 8


TAIWAN'S RECOGNITION OF Kosovo's independence made headline news in the newly independent state, the Liberty Times (the Taipei Times' sister newspaper) reported. However, China insists that Taiwan is not a sovereign state, and has no right to recognize Kosovo. Loud complaints from Beijing compelled a Kosovo Web site to remove Taiwan from the list of countries that had recognized its independence. As a sovereign state, when will Taiwan's international status and dignity be secured?

Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) presidential candidate Ma Ying-jeou (馬英九) opposes Taiwanese independence because he promotes eventual unification with China. Faced with rising Taiwanese consciousness, Ma does not dare suggest unification directly. His anti-independence discourse is instead justified through Beijing's threat of military attack as well as opposition from the US and the international community. Taiwanese independence supporters are depicted as troublemakers for the international community. But is international politics really so simple? Is Taiwanese independence really just a form of trouble making?

Zbigniew Brzezinski, former US president Jimmy Carter's national security advisor, said in his latest book, The Second Chance, that the foreign policies of former US presidents George Bush and Bill Clinton and US President George W. Bush change with, rather than influence or lead, international developments. Furthermore, all three were or are frequently guilty of misjudging the situation and in the end rely mostly on chance to resolve issues.

Ukrainian independence is one such example. Bush senior underestimated the intensity of non-Russian nationalism, believing that a strong Soviet identity would prevent non-Russian nationalities within the Soviet Union's borders from seeking independence.

During a visit to the Ukraine in August 1991, he indicated in a speech that the US would not support Ukrainian independence. While the US supported Ukraine in its pursuit of freedom, it did not support using ethnic hatred as a basis for those who promote suicidal nationalism, he said. He obviously misjudged the situation in opposing Ukrainian independence to maintain the Soviet regime. Four months after his visit, the Ukraine declared independence following a national referendum, delivering a firm slap in the face to the then-US leader.

Now, President Bush is treating the Taiwan Strait issue in a similar fashion. He also wishes to maintain the stability of the Chinese Communist Party regime, and understates the nationalistic desires of the Chinese. He believes that Beijing has firmly established a Chinese identity, that the Taiwanese public identifies with China and that nationalistic independence and nation building will bring instability to the region. His government has repeatedly declared its opposition to Taiwanese independence, and warns against its danger.

In reality, would Taiwan go the same way as the Ukraine? Ukrainian independence spurred a wave of independence among non-Russian ethnic groups. Would Taiwanese independence ignite the separatist desires in Tibet, Xinjiang, or maybe even Hong Kong?

Since Ukraine's independence, Taiwanese have learned that although the US and the Soviet Union cooperated in blocking Ukrainian independence, and the Ukraine also had unification supporters similar to Ma, the Ukrainians courageously escaped the Soviet Union's imperialist oppression through a national referendum and brought forth the dissolution of the Soviet Union.

Would Taiwan's independence also bring about China's dissolution, or as Ma proposes, only cause China to attack Taiwan?

Allen Houng is a professor in the Institute of Neuroscience at National Yang Ming University.

 

Prev Up Next