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Officials reaffirm US' Taiwan policy

CNA , WASHINGTON

The US stands by its obligations under the Taiwan Relations Act but does not support Taiwanese independence, several US officials reiterated Thursday.

In a meeting of the Asia-Pacific Subcommittee of the House International Relations Committee on Thursday, Representative Jim Leach commented on Taiwan's government's plans to hold a referendum.

Leach said the Taiwan Strait is an area that is potentially explosive if the situation isn't handled steadily and correctly.

"There are in international affairs two words that are usually synonymous, that being self-determination and independence, but that in Taiwan you have one place in the world where they're juxtaposed, that Taiwan can have a maximum degree of self-determination if it does not declare independence. If it declares independence, its self-determination will be immediately placed in jeopardy, and the United States will be involved in ways that could be very stark," Leach said.

"So it is my understanding that there are some initiatives in Taiwan to seek referendums on an independence movement that our [American Institute in Taiwan] has suggested might be unhelpful," he said.

Leach then asked Christopher LeFleur, State Department special envoy for northeast Asia security consultations, whether supporting a referendum on Taiwan's independence would be inconsistent with US policy.

LeFleur replied, "We, of course, maintain fully our obligations under the Taiwan Relations Act. We also, of course, do not support Taiwan independence."

Leach asked Admiral Thomas Fargo, commander of the US Pacific Command, who was also present at the hearing, "This is the way that the Department of the Navy looks at it as well, is that right, Admiral Fargo?"

Fargo answered: "Yes sir. This, it's fully consistent ..."

Representative Eni F. H. Faleomavaega from American Samoa asked Fargo about the reliability of US assessments of the situation in the Taiwan Strait.

"In your best judgment, as far as lessening any miscalculations on our part, in our military structure, we are pretty good at that rate," Faleomavaega said.

"But the danger lies in miscalculations in what could happen in the Taiwan Strait and other regions of the Asia-Pacific region. What is your best assessment on the possibility of miscalculations in the Asia-Pacific region?" Faleomavaega asked.

Fargo said: "Well, I think right now it's relatively low. You know, we work very hard at this, obviously, to make sure we have clear policies, a solid deterrent posture. We aim to deter and not provoke. And those particular efforts that are reinforced by our forward posture and the manner in which we operate and deploy our forces, I think, help work toward ensuring that the potential for miscalculation is low."

No need to worry if US opposes referendum

By Trong Chai

Reports that the US is opposing any form of Taiwanese referendum has caused the referendum debate to heat up once again. It is, however, quite surprising that the opposition and government have taken a common stance on opposing US interference in domestic politics.

What I find even more surprising is that it actually has been possible to create a debate about the US opposing any form of referendum in this country, since anyone with a little political sense knows that even if the US opposes a referendum on Taiwan's independence, it wouldn't use such strong language. The reasons why this debate has been heating up at this particular juncture are therefore questionable, for the following reasons.

First, the US has agreed to cooperate diplomatically with China in return for its help in dealing with North Korea. With Chinese demanding that the US clarify its stance on the Taiwan issue, the US leak to the press could be seen as a favor to the Chinese. Even though the leaked information may not coincide with the US position, it has fulfilled the US promise to China to make an "atypical" declaration of its position.

Second, the Kao Ming-chien incident has weakened the position of the blue camp. It therefore leaked information that the referendum issue has become more serious, thus highlighting the dangers of the green camp playing with the independence issue in an attempt at saving the situation for the blue camp and unification.

Third, a legislative delegation is currently visiting the US. By the timely release of information that China has put a "red alert" label on a Taiwanese referen-dum, the US, on the surface of things, is simply forwarding the Chinese point of view. In fact, however, Taiwan has achieved longterm peace and stability by accepting US protection, and so long as Taiwan complies by paying its "protection fee," the US will not sit idly by.

This is why the heat has been turned up on the referendum debate at this moment. Add to this that the government cannot avoid holding a referendum next year, and it makes one wonder whether the US is playing its old game of using China to scare Taiwan into paying its fees a bit more willingly by threatening it with opposition to a referendum.

Leaving any conjecture about political plots to one side, my understanding is that the US is very firm in its position that any decision on the final status of Taiwan must have the unequivocal support of the Taiwanese people.

Taiwan is a sovereign entity, with its own people, government, land and sovereign wishes, and it of course has both the ability and the right to decide its own affairs through a vote. That China does not recognize this is another matter. The US is a nation that emphasizes the protection of democracy and freedom and it won't go so far as to openly interfere with or oppose the ability or rights of a sovereign Taiwan to vote to decide its own affairs.

To stress the "referendum spirit" in Taiwan's current political situation is recognition of the fact that the "Taiwan first" concept and the idea that residents should decide their own future have become the mainstream of public opinion. Given the strong Chinese pressure and the dispute over independence, we must actively search for a solution.

So, from a pragmatic point of view, how do we go about letting 23 million Taiwanese decide the future direction of this country? If we really want to realize this idea, we must pass the proposed referendum law as soon as possible. We could then solve the longstanding external problems resulting from China's threats, and we could also solve Taiwan's divided domestic opinion regarding national identity.

Trong Chai is a DPP legislator.

Chen to go ahead with referendum

`FINAL DECISION': The president said citizens will be able to vote on the Fourth Nuclear Power Plant in a referendum to be held on or before the March election

By Chiu Yu-tzu

STAFF REPORTER

President Chen Shui-bian used the country's first Nuclear-free Homeland Conference yesterday to repeat a pledge to hold a nationwide referendum on the Fourth Nuclear Power Plant.

In his opening remark at the anti-nuclear convention in Taipei, Chen said the future of the plant would be decided by the people through a referendum, which would be held no later than the March presidential election.

Chen said the two decades of controversy over the plant have taken too great a toll on society.

"I believe the public has been fully aware of information about the plant. It's time for people to make a final decision through a referendum," Chen said.

He said the referendum is a right of citizens and would strengthen parliamentary politics.

"This right can't be deprived or limited by any country, political party or person," Chen said.

He said the country should promote energy conservation and the adoption of renewable energy in order to ensure environmental sustainability.

In addition, Chen said problems with the relocation of nuclear waste stored on Orchid Island would be solved by the end of the year.

Chen said the power plant isn't the only policy that can be put to a referendum.

Cabinet Spokesman Lin Chia-lung said, "Entry into the World Health Organization and political reform can be subjects put to referendum."

Minister without Portfolio Hsu Chih-hsiung said that if a local government refused to hold a referendum, a private organization or institute could be designated to handle the matter.

Residents of Kungliao, where the controversial plant is being built, said at the conference that a regional referendum held in 1994 in the township suggested that 96 percent of residents are against the plant.

If free access to information on the plant and transparency of the decision-making process remain unavailable, the nationwide referendum would sacrifice Kungliao for economic development, said Wu Wen-tung, spokesman for the Kungliao-based Yenliao Anti-Nuclear Self-Help Association.

At the conference, topics included strategies to phase out nuclear energy, the decommissioning of existing nuclear plants, the adoption of renewable energy and the disposal of nuclear waste. The experiences of the US, Japan and Sweden were also presented.

Meanwhile, blasting air horns and waving signs, more than 1,000 employees of state-run Taiwan Power Company demonstrated outside the convention, expressing their opposition to the planned phase-out of nuclear energy.

"The referendum should not be applied to the ongoing project," Taiwan Power Labor Union Director-General Shih Chao-hsien said.

Shih said that terminating the project would cause at least NT$150 billion in financial losses.

Anti-nuclear activists, meanwhile, said halting construction of the plant was the first step toward making the nation nuclear-free. They urged the government to freeze the budget for the new plant and to enhance security at the three operational nuclear plants.

Saying it supports referendum legislation, the KMT-PFP alliance said yesterday it wants a law passed soon to provide a legal basis for a referendum on the fate of the Fourth Nuclear Power Plant.

"The position of both the KMT and the PFP is that if the DPP administration wishes to hold a referendum, then there should be no delay in the passage of legislation to establish the legal basis for such a practice," said KMT spokesman Alex Tsai.

Tsai said the nation risks a constitutional crisis if a referendum is held without a legal framework in place.

While the opposition alliance is willing to support the passage of a referendum law, he said, "the DPP administration should be responsible for whatever outcome there may be once the referendum is held."

The alliance will not state an opinion on which party's version of the bill should be passed, Tsai said.

KMT Chairman Lien Chan and his PFP counterpart James Soong refused to comment yesterday on Chen's call for a referendum.

Lien said only that "[one] ought not to run wild and defy laws," and referred the media to a three-point statement issued by KMT Secretary-General Lin Fong-cheng and PFP Secretary-General Tsai Chung-hsiung.

The statement said that the alliance will promote referendum legislation, that construction of the Fourth Nuclear Power Plant should not be delayed and that a law on the construction of the nuclear power plant should be passed as soon as possible.

Responding to the blue camp's plan to hold a referendum in August, Cabinet Spokesman Lin Chia-lung said the Cabinet needs at least two months to prepare for holding a referendum once legislation is enacted.

"As we in the business community have always said, Taiwan needs to keep in mind [that] businessmen like predictability. A contract that is changed again and again shows a lack of predictability."－Theodore Huang, chairman of the Chinese National Association of Industry and Commerce

President Chen Shui-bian's proposal to hold a referendum on scrapping the Fourth Nuclear Power Plant sparked concern among business and academic groups yesterday about its impact on the economy.

One foreign business leader yesterday criticized the referendum plan as potentially damaging to the nation's investment climate.

"As we in the business community have always said, Taiwan needs to keep in mind [that] businessmen like predictability," said Gus Sorenson, president of the American Chamber of Commerce in Taipei. "A contract that is changed again and again shows a lack of predictability."

The government suspended construction of the half-completed Fourth Nuclear Power Plant months after Chen took power in 2000. After a three-month political standoff that dragged down the economy, the government resumed construction.

Regular policy flip-flops by the government have alienated the business community, which feels it has been left out of the loop.

"The government should consult the industrial and business sectors before making a decision on a referendum," Theodore Huang, the chairman of Chinese National Association of Industry and Commerce, said in a statement.

Wu Rong-i, president of the Taiwan Institute of Economic Research, was careful yesterday to say that, while he's not against the idea of holding a referendum, "The people should be provided with adequate information about the project before going ahead with the vote."

Wu, an economic adviser to Chen, said the government should let the public know how much the government has invested in the project and how big the potential loss will be if it is scrapped.

The government also owes the public an explanation as to whether a stable supply of alternative energy exists and how prices would be affected, he added.

Meanwhile, one business official said holding a referendum is not a priority as post-SARS reconstruction should be the government's focus.

"This matter concerns a promise that Chen made during his presidential campaign in 2000, but we feel the construction of the plant should be viewed as an economic issue and dealt with through an economic perspective," said General Chamber of Commerce (GCC) spokesman Chen Cheng-yi.

Another official who requested anonymity said the real problem is "politicians never know when to shut their mouths."

SUBTLE IMPACT: The foreign minister said that the US would neither oppose nor support a plebiscite -- as long as it doesn't deal with the key issue of independence

Taiwan's move to hold referendums on issues other than unification or independence will carry minimal impact on trilateral ties among Washington, Beijing and Taipei, Minister of Foreign Affairs Eugene Chien said yesterday.

"Our emphasis is to conduct referendums on major public issues unrelated to the unification-independence debate, so I think this will carry minimal impact on US-China-Taiwan ties," Chien said.

The foreign minister made his remarks in a press conference yesterday afternoon after returning from a 10-day visit to the US.

Chien said the US has "fully understood" Taiwan's position on the issue of referendums, although it would take a while to grasp Washington's perception of the impact of referendums on trilateral ties.

Victor Chin, director general of the ministry's Department of North American Affairs, said US concerns over Taiwan's holding referendums resulted from Washington's misgivings over any move it thinks might trigger cross-strait tensions.

"The US said neither side of the Taiwan Strait should be involved in any kind of provocation," Chin said. "It's because of this [position] that the US has expressed its concerns."

Chin admitted that he has heard US complaints about Taipei's move to raise the referendum issue without prior consultation with Washington.

Chin's remark came as confirmation of statements made by a delegation visiting Washington regarding the US dismay that Taiwan had raised the referendum issue without consulting with Washington beforehand.

Chien said the issue of referendums was put on the table when he met with the AIT Chairwoman Therese Shaheen in New York City on Monday. But he said he has never heard anything about the US telling Taiwan that Taipei must shoulder any risks triggered by referendums.

Chien said he told Shaheen that in a democratic country, a referendum is an important way to understand public opinion.

According to Chien, the AIT chairperson said that the US would express neither support nor opposition to referendums in Taiwan, as long as the votes covered only domestic issues.

Chien said that the ministry is slated to explain the government's plans for conducting referendums to to Taipei-based diplomats next Tuesday.

The minister also confirmed reports that Washington had told Beijing to talk to Taipei directly regarding China's proposal to withdraw missiles deployed along its coastal areas in exchange for a reduction of US arms sales to Taiwan.

According to Chin, US working-level officials have passed the message to Beijing after the proposal was first raised by former Chinese President Jiang Zemin in his meeting with the US President George W. Bush last October.

Chin summarized the US position as saying that China's proposal to withdraw missiles targeting Taiwan should not be linked with the issue of US arms sales to Taiwan.

On the issue of arms sales from the US, Chien said he ensured Shaheen that Taiwan was determined to defend itself from China's attacks, although other factors have dragged out the arms-procurement process, making it slower than expected.

Budgetary constraints paired with tedious debates on the issue in the legislature have slowed down planned arms procurements from the US, Chien said.

C4ISR: The kind of systems that assist generals with command and control would give Taiwan a cheaper edge than diesel-powered submarines, a US official said

US sources yesterday told the Taipei Times that high-level officials from the US Department of Defense will lead a delegation to Taiwan this summer. These US officials will discuss how to improve the nation's command-and-control military strength -- its command, control, communication, computer, intelligence, surveillance and reconnaissance (C4ISR) systems.

They will also suggest that the government invest about US$3.5 billion (NT$121 billion) of its budgets for submarine purchases on its C4ISR systems, so as to improve its strategic strength.

During a briefing for a group of Taiwanese legislators earlier this week, Bush administration officials repeatedly stressed that Washington believes that Taipei should take the improvement of its C4ISR mechanisms as a defense priority in this phase.

According to Washington, the order of Taipei's arms purchases should be C4ISR improvement, missile defense and anti-submarine weapons. The US officials said that Washington will recommend that Taipei reprioritize its wish list, placing the strategizing system higher on the list, during the US official's visit.

Taiwan's request for diesel-powered submarines is not on the recommendation list. In fact, most of the high-ranking US defense officials advocate not pushing the submarine purchases forward.

According to the US officials, the submarine purchases can only deter China to a degree. So it's necessary for Taipei to improve its ability in anti-submarine warfare.

However, if Taiwan still insists on the purchases, the US will surely keep its promise.

The US officials said that the eight submarines are likely to cost about US$11.7 billion (NT$404.5 billion) over the next 15 years. The government should therefore consider adjusting the distribution of its resources.

Under the military's Posheng Project, the government is scheduled to spend about US$1.5 billion (NT$51.9 billion) on its C4ISR systems in the next six to eight years. The money is about half of the amount suggested by the US. Hence, Washington advises Taipei that it divert US$3.5 billion of its budget for the submarines to improve its C4ISR systems.

For example, some of the money for the submarines can be used to develop more Tien Kung(Sky Bow) surface-to-air missiles and Hsiung Feng(Brave Wind) anti-ship missiles. Thus, the money could be used more efficiently.

The Posheng Project was officially launched in January. It's the first stage of a long-term plan to construct the nation's overall C4ISR systems based on equipment that will be bought from the US.

According to Washington, it's urgent for Taipei to take its C4ISR improvement as a priority for the following reasons.

First, Beijing has already learned about the significance of C4ISR from the Persian Gulf War, and has invested heavily in them.

Second, Beijing has realized that "speed" is everything and that the nation with better C4ISR systems can make decisions faster.

Third, China's Minister of National Defense Cao Gangchuan is also a technology expert, and has a complete plan to attack Taiwan's C4ISR systems.

The US officials reminded reporters that if Taipei hopes for Washington's assistance once a war breaks out across the Taiwan Strait, the island must actively improve its C4ISR systems so as to fully cooperate with the US.

They also revealed that Washington proposed a review on the island's C4ISR systems last year. But most of its suggestions were not accepted by Taiwan.

In fact, its recommendation list this year is mostly based on the previous report.

Fifty-three years ago, on June 25, 1950, the leader of the North Korean communist party, Kim Il-sung, took his armies across the 38th parallell in an attempt at uniting South and North Korea by force.

Two days later, on June 27, then-US president Harry Truman ordered US forces stationed in Japan to rush to South Korea's aid. At the same time, he dis-patched the 7th Fleet to patrol the Taiwan Strait in an attempt to make it neutral territory by blocking China, which was gathering its People's Liberation Army troops on the coast of the Strait, from crossing it and attacking Taiwan.

China's chairman Mao Zedong loudly blamed "US imperialism" for interfering in China's domestic affairs, but Mao did not dare stand up to the US. The PLA was left staring across the water as Mao's dream of "liberating" Taiwan and uniting China was shattered.

Thanks to the US turning the Taiwan Strait into neutral territory, the KMT government just managed to overcome the crisis, calm the situation and hang on to power until 2000.

Today, some politicians in the blue camp have completely forgotten the kindness the US has shown by protecting Taiwan and supporting the KMT government for half a century. They take to the enemy as to their own fathers and lean towards the Chinese government, always echoing its views, both domestically and internationally, and join up with the communists to work against Taiwan.

When the government gave its support to the US' armed liberation of Iraq, legislators from the blue camp actually strongly criticized the government for being an American puppet. Not only did US officials feel repulsed by the blue-camp legislators for their ungrate-fulness, but they also suspected these politicians' loyalties lay with the Chinese government.

The Korean War ended in July 1953 but a peace accord was never signed. True peace is even further away. By the late 1970s, North Korea had still not given up the option of using armed force against South Korea. It had dug a lot of tunnels, and constantly infiltrated and tried to overthrow what it called the "US puppet government" in Seoul.

Thanks to the US forces stationed in the South, the South Korean economy took off in the late 1970s and the nation grew stronger. In 1988, Seoul hosted the Olympic Games, allowing the world to see the nation through new eyes.

At the same time, due to the Stalinist planned economy, North Korean production slumped. National strength fell far behind that of South Korea and it could no longer keep up its traditional arms race with Seoul.

Since the 1990s, North Korea's leaders have come to realize that it will be impossible for them to liberate the South by military force. They also feel threatened by South Korea. North Korea is therefore beginning to develop missiles and nuclear weapons to defend itself by adopting "asymmetric war strategies."

In response to North Korea's nuclear threat, the administration of former president Bill Clinton tried compromise, conciliation and provision of economic incentives. The South Korean government of Kim Dae-jung advocated the "Sunshine Policy," which focused on economic assistance.

Even though North Korea received substantial amounts of economic aid and also greatly improved its international standing, it doesn't care about its international promises and it continues to secretly develop nuclear weapons.

This could not be tolerated by the administration of US President George W. Bush, which publicly revealed and condemned Pyongyang's nuclear-weapon program last October.

In addition to demanding that Pyongyang immediately cease manufacturing nuclear arms and lobbying for China, Japan, South Korea and Russia to put pressure on North Korea, the US even adopted economic sanctions and transportation embargoes to seal off North Korea's imports and exports in order to force the North into compliance.

Even though the US is currently emphasizing continued diplomatic negotiations as the means of applying pressure on North Korea, it is just a delaying tactic. Because the US used a lot of cruise missiles, precision bombs and various high-tech arms in the Iraq and Afghanistan wars, stocks are depleted and the US is working overtime to produce more of these weapons.

It is estimated that the stocks of new arms required to attack North Korea will be replenished within a year. The US has already started making plans for moving of US troops stationed next to the demilitarized zone and Seoul out of range of North Korea's 4,000 cannons. This is the prelude to US preparations for using military force to deal with North Korea.

Will China remain idle on the sidelines if the US takes to arms against North Korea, or will it once again come to North Korea's aid against the US? How would this affect Taiwan?

The US is now considering comprehensive adjustments to troop deployments in East Asia, including the transfer of US troops from the Ryukyu Islands to defend the Philippines and deploying a theater missile defense (TMD) system in Japan.

Due to the their proximity to Taiwan, deployment of the TMD on the Ryukyus would be beneficial to missile defense cooperation with Taiwan. However, removing the majority of US troops from the Ryukyus would affect negatively the ability to respond to a crisis in which China makes a military move against Taiwan.

The new US military deployments have not yet been completed. Taiwan should not be merely a bystander, receiving information only after the fact. In order to allow the US to consider Taiwan's point of view, Taipei should make constructive suggestions to the policies that are about to take shape in the US.

Because Taiwan and the US share a common responsibility towards the international peace in the East Asia region, our participation should be active.