Taiwanese history and geography on Oct 16, 2004

Exam heads argue over test content

OPPOSING VIEWS: The head of the committee wants civil service exams to cover Taiwan only, while others say questions on China should be retained

STAFF WRITER
 

Members of the civil service exam committee yesterday sparred over a move by the committee's head to change civil service exams to test applicants on the history and geography of Taiwan only.

The newly-appointed head of the basic-level civil servant recruitment examination committee Lin Yu-ti, who is also an Examination Yuan member, insisted yesterday that he would only allow materials concerning Taiwan's history and geography to appear in next year's national history and geography exams.

Fellow member of the committee Hung Te-hsuan disagreed, however, and declared war on the issue. He proposed to have Lin removed from the post.

Lin said that since he was the head of the committee, he had the right to decide which questions would appear on the exams.

"We don't hold the examination in Beijing, and the recruited civil servants do not work in China, so why should we test [them] on Chinese history and geography? ... The territory of our nation would include, as is commonly acknowledged, Taiwan, Penghu, Kinmen and Matsu. The exam would be held in four different locations in the nation. If our nation includes China, why don't we hold the exam in Beijing? That's because Beijing doesn't belong to our nation," Lin said.

Lin also countered those who held opposing views.

"Some Examination Yuan members said yesterday in the sitting that national history and geography should include China, or it would affect the civil servants' loyalty. But loyalty to who? Can our civil servants serve in China?" Lin said.

Hung attacked Lin's view, saying that he was ignoring the interests of the examinees and trying to influence the exams with his own ideology.

"I will propose in next Thursday's sitting to remove Lin from his committee post," Hung said. "I will not agree to having the whole Examination Yuan endorse Lin's Taiwan-only exams."

Lin, however, has the backing of Examination Yuan President Yao Chia-wen.

"We cannot remove Lin from the committee simply because he supports Taiwan independence," Yao said.

The definition of what counts as the nation was a question for the Constitution, and not something to be worked out by the Examination Yuan, Yao said.

"The Examination Yuan needs to inform the examinees of a specific and clear examination range, and we will have the Ministry of Examination report on that in two weeks," Yao said.

In an Examination Yuan sitting two days ago, Lin and other members argued fiercely when Lin was appointed head of the committee, through a lottery draw.

It was during that sitting that Lin first proposed to define national history and geography as Taiwan's history and geography, sparking the arguments.

US repeats praise for Chen's address

`WELCOME MESSAGE': The US did not comment when asked about China's negative reaction to the Chen's speech, but instead reiterated support for the president's ideas

CNA , Washington

Washington has once again expressed that it welcomed President Chen Shui-bian's peace overture to Beijing spelled out in his Oct. 10 National Day speech, which called for a resumption of cross-strait dialogue.

Responding to reporters' questions at a regular press conference Thursday, US State Department spokesman Richard Boucher said that the department views Chen's speech as "a welcome and constructive message that offered some creative ideas to reduce tension and resume cross-state dialogue."

Boucher said that "we have urged both sides -- we will continue to urge both sides -- to take the opportunity to engage in dialogue in order to resolve the differences peacefully."

The spokesman did not comment when asked by a reporter about the notion that mainland China sees President Chen's speech quite differently from the US and regards it as a provocation rather than an opportunity for dialogue.

A deputy spokesman of the State Department expressed a similar welcome Oct. 10 immediately after learning about President Chen's message to China.

The State Department official said that US policies have remained unchanged -- namely firmly supporting the "one China" policy, not supporting Taiwan independence, and opposing any moves by either side that would change the status quo across the Taiwan Strait.

He said that the US has been consistent in its stance that the cross-strait differences should be solved in a peaceful way that is acceptable to the people of both sides.

President Chen took the initiative to display goodwill toward Beijing by proposing in his National Day speech that Taiwan and mainland China use the basis of the 1992 meeting in Hong Kong to seek possible schemes that are "not necessarily perfect but acceptable" as steps toward a resumption of dialogue and consultations.

Chen also called for the two sides to seriously consider the issue of "arms control" and seek to establish a "code of conduct across the Taiwan Strait" as a tangible guarantee of permanent peace since "any conflict in the Taiwan Strait would result in irreparable damage to the people on both sides."

Meanwhile, a US China hand said Thursday that Beijing's response to President Chen's peace overture was not too harsh, and that the Chinese leadership continues to want to avoid a heightening of cross-strait tensions.

Bonnie Glaser, a researcher at the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS), said that Beijing has long demanded that Taiwan accept the "one China" principle, which she said President Chen has not done so.

Beijing's negative response to President Chen's Double Ten National Day message was predictable, with mainland China's Taiwan Affairs Office spokesman reiterating Beijing's distrust of Chen and its demand that he accept its "one China" principle, Glaser said.

She said that Beijing's response was not "excessively harsh," and that it is trying to moderate its rhetoric toward Taiwan and lower the temperature between the two sides, adding that the new leadership in Beijing does not want heightened tensions with Taiwan and "hopes for greater stability."

Glaser pointed out that Beijing is especially displeased with the fact that Chen has successfully kicked the ball into China's court, and that the US has termed some of the content of Chen's speech as "constructive" and expressed the hope that China will respond with its own positive gestures.

She said that the US is willing to "cherry pick" the positive points from the speech -- namely his suggestions that the 1992 meeting in Hong Kong be used as a basis for moving toward a resumption of cross-strait dialogue, and that a "code of conduct across the Taiwan Strait, a confidence-building mechanism and direct cross-strait air links be established.

But China "is analyzing the speech in its entirety and finds the overall tone and many specific elements provocative," she said, adding that Beijing "is strongly opposed to Chen's statement that the Republic of China is equal to Taiwan, and his emphasis on Taiwan national identity."

Glaser also predicted that when US President George W. Bush and Chinese President Hu Jintao meet at the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) forum meeting in Chile next month, Hu will underscore China's displeasure with US policy toward Taiwan.

Take steps to counter China threat

By Richard Kagan

Today's political leaders in the US, Taiwan and China are repeating old arguments and old ideas. Everyone talks either of "peace" or the dangers of "war." In Taiwan there is the opportunistic desire to curry favor with China by predicting defeat and disaster. There is also the blustering argument that China will have to pay a huge price if it attacks Taiwan.

Thankfully, there is another strategy. It is one based on the continuum of martial arts responses, a strategy to successfully defend the country and the individual that will last throughout the attack and create a secure future.

In addition to purchasing military equipment, President Chen Shui-bian should take a more aggressive stance in preparing for Taiwan's survival. There should be some clear triggers that announce the beginning of a war and the defense of the nation. These triggers should involve planning for long-term consequences.

Taiwan should be clear that Beijing is changing the status quo when and if it passes any law that prohibits the "independence" of Taiwan, or that declares an ultimatum or schedule for invading Taiwan.

Here are a few agenda items. First, in an imitation of the US' Homeland Security Notices, create a system of colored warnings that indicate the level of threat from China. Each warning level would have specific consequences.

Second, the first warning would deal with the 600 missiles along China's southeastern coast. The government should disallow any Taiwanese investment in areas close to these missiles. The rationale for this is that these sites would be military targets in case of hostilities. If Taiwanese people or Taiwanese property are endangered by the outbreak of war, then they could be held as hostages by China. In addition, the effort to compensate for their loss of property and loss of life would severely affect Taiwan's economy and sense of responsibility for the welfare of its people.

Third, a second-level warning should result in urging the US and other investors in China to limit their investments in provinces which have become a launching pad for intimidating or invading Taiwan. Once again, these territories are able to increase their military capacity because of foreign investment, which also promotes the development of transportation links, communication facilities and modern technologies.

Four, the third level of danger should increase Taiwan's attempt to seek military alliances and allies in East Asia. Support for Japan's bid to gain a seat in the UN Security Council should be followed with joint military exercises with South Korea and more strategic coordination with neighboring countries.

Fifth, the final level of danger should trigger a massive international political campaign -- namely the establishment of a geographical base for a government in exile, the open support for the independence of Hong Kong, Xinjiang and Tibet, and initial preparations for war crimes trials in other countries against China's leadership.

The government should prepare its citizens by establishing an intra-governmental committee to determine the costs of the current and future situation with a hostile China. It should also account for the amount of research necessary to study China's military and political leaders, the amount of resources used to protect, defend and monitor Taiwanese companies and individuals working in China, and the economic opportunities that would be lost by having Beijing embargo or restrict Taiwan's economic, political, cultural and social initiatives.

The government should include a public document that predicts Taiwan's economic loss if it joins with China. If we take Hong Kong and Tibet as examples, we will conclude that the economic effect on Taiwan will be to make it a neo-colony of China. Taiwan will have its industries hollowed out, its imports and exports dictated by Beijing's needs -- not by market forces, or by policies protective of Taiwan -- and will return to a repressive cultural system that will increase costs for a socially dysfunctional system.

The language will be forced to change, social customs will be harshly altered and newfound freedoms will be suppressed. The result will be a rise in deviant behavior, mental health breakdowns, decreased population growth and a rise in illegal organizations and activities.

After presenting the above analyses, it will become clear that the defense budget is a small price to pay to keep Taiwan from incurring the extra expenses of paying for a war strategy of defensive and countervailing stages.

Richard Kagan is a professor of history at Hamline University.