Dalai Lama invited to comfort victims
　

'DISASTER': While the Presidential Office was silent on the issue, KMT lawmakers blasted local chiefs for inviting the Dalai Lama, saying the visit could upset China
　

By Flora Wang
STAFF REPORTER
Thursday, Aug 27, 2009, Page 1

The Dalai Lama has accepted an invitation to visit the victims of Typhoon Morakot in southern Taiwan at the end of this month, a Kaohsiung City Government official said yesterday.

Asked about the visit, the Presidential Office told the Taipei Times it had “no comment." Presidential Office Spokesman Wang Yu-chi (王郁琦) said the Presidential Office needed to gain a better understanding of the matter.

The Tibetan spiritual leader had expressed his desire to visit Taiwan last November, but President Ma Ying-jeou (馬英九) said then that “the timing isn't appropriate.”

Mainland Affairs Council Deputy Minister Liu Te-shun (劉德勳) said late last night that the government would evaluate the situation once the Mongolian and Tibetan Affairs Commission has received the official application.

When the Dalai Lama first visited Taiwan in 1997, the administration of then president Lee Teng-hui (李登輝) granted him visa-free privilege.

Hsu Li-ming (許立明), director-general of the city government's Information Office, said the Dalai Lama would arrive on Monday at the invitation of seven local government chiefs in the south.

During his six-day stay in southern Taiwan, the Dalai Lama will deliver speeches and visit the areas affected by Typhoon Morakot to comfort the victims of the disaster, Hsu said.

In a press release, the city government said the Dalai Lama was very glad to be able to comfort the victims, adding that he understood the pain of the victims because he once saw his people living in northern India suffer from mudslides.

The spiritual leader said he was very concerned about Morakot's aftermath in Taiwan because Taiwanese had given so much support to Tibetans in exile in India, the city government said.

“The Dalai Lama is not only the spiritual leader of Tibet, but also a religious leader. He also embodies love and peace and has comforted billions of souls over the years,” the city government said. “We believe the Dalai Lama's visit will help the victims get back on their feet.”

The city government's Information Office added that the Dalai Lama's office would apply for a Taiwanese visa, but whether he would be allowed to visit would depend on the central government.

Dawa Tsering, a representative of the Tibetan government in exile, yesterday confirmed that the Dalai Lama had accepted the invitation extended by Taiwanese local government chiefs on Monday. He added that the Dalai Lama might travel to Taiwan as soon as this weekend if it was convenient for Taiwan.

“The Dalai Lama was saddened to see the homes destroyed by mudslides in Taiwan and would love to come to Taiwan if his visit could give the victims some comfort,” Dawa said.

“[When he will visit] depends on when it would be convenient for Taiwan,” he said. “So far, we haven't heard anything from the Taiwanese government.”

Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) Legislator Daniel Hwang (黃義交) said it was “inappropriate” for the Dalai Lama to visit Taiwan now, adding that his visit might upset China.

KMT Legislator Chiu Yi (邱毅) criticized the government chiefs who invited the Dalai Lama, saying that cross-strait relations would be seriously affected by the spiritual leader's visit.

“Don't they think we have enough disasters?” Chiu said.

Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) Spokesman Cheng Wen-tsang (鄭文燦), on the other hand, said the party welcomed the visit of the Dalai Lama and urged Ma not to bow down to Beijing by refusing the Dalai Lama a visa.

Cheng said DPP Chairperson Tsai Ing-wen (蔡英文) would participate in prayer services the Tibetan leader is expected to lead.

DPP Legislator Huang Wei-cher (黃偉哲) said the public should welcome the Dalai Lama because of the humanitarian nature of his trip.

“I hope the government would not politicize his visit,” he said. “Disaster relief should transcend political division.”

Liu seeks input from Aboriginal heads
　

IDEAS AND MONEY: Legislative Speaker Wang Jin-pyng said a Cabinet task force had agreed to remain flexible on the cap that should be imposed on reconstruction funds
　

By Shih Hsiu-chuan and Flora Wang
STAFF REPORTERS
Thursday, Aug 27, 2009, Page 3

“The CIP has to present a proposal that reflects government resources in different departments.”— Liu Chao-shiuan, premier
　

Premier Liu Chao-shiuan (劉兆玄) yesterday asked Council of Indigenous Peoples (CIP) Minister Chang Jen-hsiang (章仁香) to map out a comprehensive reconstruction plan for typhoon-hit Aboriginal communities to help them rebuild their hometowns.

The premier said the plan must include “the views of Aborigines.”

Liu made the remarks in response to widespread concerns that a reconstruction plan without the participation of Aborigines might not meet the needs of Aborigines and could lead to the destruction of their culture, traditions and customs after resettlement.

Typhoon Morakot devastated many villages with substantial indigenous populations in Chiayi, Kaohsiung, Pingtung, Nantou and Taitung counties.

Government statistics show that nearly half of the victims were Aborigines.

Concerns have been voiced by Aboriginal communities and activists over the lack of representation of Aborigines in the Executive Yuan’s Post-Typhoon Morakot Reconstruction Committee, the highest organ in charge of post-disaster resettlement and reconstruction.

The 31-seat committee, led by Liu, is composed of 21 officials from different government agencies, including Chang, and nine representatives from business and academia.

During a meeting with Aborigines in Kaohsiung County’s Namasiya Township (那瑪夏) the previous day, President Ma Ying-jeou (馬英九) said he welcomed Aborigines to join the reconstruction committees at the central and local government levels, but he left the decision on how to determine their participation to the Executive Yuan.

Liu yesterday said he would stick to his initial plan to keep the composition of the committee unchanged.

He said, however, that the government would “communicate and consult with Aborigines face-to-face on all problems encountered during reconstruction” and invite them to join discussions on various reconstruction issues in the committee on a case-by-case basis.

“The CIP has to present a proposal that reflects government resources in different departments,” Liu said.

Meanwhile, Legislative Speaker Wang Jin-pyng (王金平) said yesterday a task force composed of senior decision-making government officials agreed to maintain a level of flexibility on the ceiling for the funds earmarked for post-Typhoon Morakot reconstruction.

Wang told reporters at the legislature that members of the Presidential Office task force had all agreed that the central government should receive more funding for reconstruction work.

Wang said it was now up to the legislature to decide whether to raise the budget request, but added it would be impossible for the legislature to agree to giving the Executive Yuan unlimited funding.

Wang’s remarks came after a number of Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) legislators voiced support for unlimited funding for reconstruction on Tuesday. KMT caucus whip Lin Yi-shih (林益世) had expressed reservations about the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) caucus’ call for granting the central government an unlimited budget.

KMT Legislator Yang Chiung-ying (楊瓊瓔) said on the legislative floor on Tuesday that the Executive Yuan’s NT$100 billion (US$3 billion) budget would be insufficient to cover the full reconstruction costs.

Yang said she hoped the legislature would not impose a ceiling for the budget.

KMT legislators Huang Chao-shun (黃昭順) and Wong Chung-chun (翁重鈞) also supported Yang’s call. However, legislators were unable to reach a consensus regarding a cap on the budget.

Executive Yuan Secretary-General Hsueh Hsiang-chuan (薛香川), who took part in yesterday’s cross-party negotiation sessions, said the Cabinet would take the DPP’s views into consideration.

Wang, who convened the negotiation, said some legislators expressed opposition to the Executive Yuan’s plan to raise funds by selling NT$40 billion in Land Bank shares because the bank could still generate NT$2.4 billion in revenues for the state coffers each year.

The Legislative Yuan is scheduled to pass the special statute for post-Morakot reconstruction proposed by the Executive Yuan today.

In related news, Liu ordered that the shelters where more than 5,000 displaced victims are currently accommodated be cleared by next Monday, saying that the 7,000 beds in military camps and veterans houses would provide a more comfortable environment for the victims.

Liu also reassured residents of villages in Linbian Township (林邊), where gutters and drains remain badly clogged by mud, that they would be cleaned up by next Monday, adding that the government would temporarily evict residents to facilitate disinfection work and prevent disease outbreaks.

Meanwhile, the premier said that the government would set up an alert system in mudslide-prone areas so that village chiefs could evacuate residents or take other actions to prevent future disasters.

Starting yesterday, Liu will work at a post-Typhoon Morakot reconstruction office in southern Taiwan for one week to coordinate relief and rehabilitation efforts.

The initiative is aimed at providing a platform for Cabinet chiefs and officials to exchange views with residents of areas in southern Taiwan affected by the typhoon on reconstruction-­related issues, Government Information Office Minister Su Jun-pin (蘇俊賓) said, adding that the government also hopes to strengthen communication and coordination with displaced victims of the typhoon in terms of resettlement operations.

“In principle, Liu will stay in southern Taiwan, but will return to Taipei for important meetings,” Su said.

In related developments, Control Yuan President Wang Chien-shien (王建煊) said the country’s highest watchdog body would release a report in six months on its investigation into who should be held responsible for the administration’s flawed response to the typhoon, which resulted in the death of an estimated 500 people and left hundreds more homeless.

Flu fears highlight inept leadership

Thursday, Aug 27, 2009, Page 8

Despite the nation’s growing number of swine flu cluster infections and lawmakers across party lines urging the president to launch national security measures in the face of a possible epidemic, President Ma Ying-jeou (馬英九) said the situation did not merit a national security meeting. Instead, Ma will attend an epidemic prevention meeting today and listen to expert assessments of the risk of an outbreak, the Presidential Office said.

By calling a national security meeting, Ma would have demonstrated to the public the government’s determination to fight swine flu.

So why is he hesitating?

Many are baffled by the Presidential Office’s apparent determination not to activate national security measures to fight the flu, but a look at Ma’s previous national security meeting might offer some clues.

On Aug. 15 — a week after Typhoon Morakot wreaked havoc in the south, triggering landslides that buried more than 400 people — Ma convened his first national security meeting since taking office in May last year.

When asked by reporters why it took the president so long to call the meeting, Presidential Office Spokesman Wang Yu-chi (王郁琦) said: “The number of casualties and impact were severe enough that he thought he should convene a national security meeting.”

So, the Presidential Office appears to be arguing that the decision to hold a national security meeting hinged on the death toll.

Centers for Disease Control (CDC) statistics show that close to 40,000 people have contracted swine flu in the past three months, and just this past week alone, the number of swine flu patients was put at 12,000. As of yesterday, the nation had recorded five fatalities from swine flu.

In addition to reports on Monday of two cluster infections among military personnel helping with post-typhoon relief and cleanup work in Pingtung County, there were reports that some 300 people in that county’s Wandan Township (萬丹) had been hospitalized with fever, cause unknown.

As the situation deteriorates, the launching of national security measures now would better prepare the government and the public for a possible epidemic.

If we use the logic that prompted Ma to call a national security meeting on Aug. 15, however, the CDC’s current count of swine flu casualties is nowhere near serious enough.

This begs the questions: How many swine flu fatalities would it eventually take to convince Ma that “the situation is severe enough” for him to call a meeting, and why would expert projections of casualties not be sufficent to serve as a trigger?

In an attempt to allay concerns over a possible epidemic, the Presidential Office said that National Security Council (NSC) Secretary-General Su Chi (蘇起) has met with health officials to discuss the issue.

However, given the performance of the NSC in the aftermath of Morakot, the fact that Su is meeting health experts on his own steam is more likely to cause public concern, not allay fears.

Ma’s inept leadership strikes again.

The Ma Ying-jeou myth perishes
　

By Chin Heng-wei 金恆煒
Thursday, Aug 27, 2009, Page 8

I am not sure if it was divine justice, but Typhoon Morakot destroyed the President Ma Ying-jeou (馬英九) myth overnight, tearing his mask off so furiously that even children could see his true colors.

Indeed, many do not know how to describe Ma.

“This man,” as CNN called him, could be called a “shameless thief,” as Ralph Waldo Emerson called Napoleon III.

But why is Ma a shameless thief? He is against democracy, and helped blacklist activists such as Professor Chen Wen-chen (陳文成). Then he stepped on others to gain entrance to president Chiang Ching-kuo’s (蔣經國) circle of power. He opposed the lifting of martial law, the abolition of Article 100 of the Criminal Code and direct presidential elections. His anti-democratic philosophy remains unchanged.

Ironically, he easily stole the democracy that Taiwan earned through the sweat and blood of its people, and through this secured the presidency. He has opposed democracy all his life, yet now he enjoys the fruits of democracy paid for with other people’s lives. That sounds like a “shameless thief,” too.

Ma secured the biggest electoral power base since Taiwan democratized. He obtained almost 60 percent of the vote in the presidential election, more than Lee Teng-hui (李登輝) in 1996 and much more than Chen Shui-bian (陳水扁) in 2000 and 2004. He also outshines his predecessors given that his Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) holds three-quarters of the legislature. With both the executive and legislative branches under his control, he secured the KMT chairmanship.

His mandate is far more legitimate than that of Chiang and his father, Chiang Kai-shek (蔣介石), who both had supreme power.

Yet, after winning so many votes, Ma is handing Taiwan to China in a manner consistent with the “one China” principle, as if he were happy to be a local official.

While half of Taiwan almost drowned in the floods caused by Typhoon Morakot, the KMT and the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) used the disaster to flirt with each other. Under the pretext of relief, the CCP’s Taiwan Affairs Office sent a document to KMT headquarters soon after the disaster struck, and Ma responded by refusing US and Japanese aid.

At a press conference after CNN’s opinion poll showed a majority of respondents wanted the president to step down, Ma responded to a reporter’s question on the cancelation of the purchase of 15 military helicopters by saying that Taiwan’s enemy was not necessarily the other side of the Taiwan Strait. So, as the flooding devastated Taiwan and ruined the homes of ordinary people, the KMT and CCP were using the situation to promote political interests.

By bestowing power on Ma, the public have given him the power to act recklessly. Fortunately, he has finally shown his true colors. After just 15 months in office, he has displayed incompetence and hypocrisy. It is only the first half of his term, but he is already a lame duck.

As New York Times reporter Andrew Jacobs wrote on Sunday: “But while the post-Morakot posturing makes for great political theater in Taiwan, the outside world is watching to see whether the episode will affect Mr. Ma’s efforts to bring Taiwan closer to China.”

Indeed, as the “Ma era” turns into the “post-Ma era,” can Beijing still place its hopes only on the pro-China president?

On Aug. 19, China donated 20 million yuan (US$2.9 million) to Non-Partisan Solidarity Union Legislator May Chin (高金素梅). The political significance of this is that Beijing is taking a new path. It is abandoning Ma and reaching into Taiwanese elections by sponsoring legislators directly.

Ma may now find it very challenging to put out the fire in his own backyard. One after another, pan-blue candidates in this year’s elections have started removing pictures of themselves and Ma because he is becoming a liability. More seriously, many are eager to have him removed. Even People First Party (PFP) Chairman James Soong (宋楚瑜) has been mentioned as a possible replacement. Can Premier Liu Chao-shiuan (劉兆玄) serve as a shield against such power struggles? We will have to wait and see.

Some pan-blue legislators have already held press conferences telling Ma to stop thinking about the 2012 presidential election.

The significant point here is the “veil of ignorance” that John Rawls wrote about. Those civil servants who try to curry favor with Ma, such as Judge Tsai Shou-hsun (蔡守訓) in Chen’s corruption trial, should consider their actions very carefully.

Chin Heng-wei is editor-in-chief of Contemporary Monthly.

Now for the overseas fifth column
　

By Sushil Seth
Thursday, Aug 27, 2009, Page 8

Isn’t it ironic that the more China becomes a major global player; the more it shows signs of insecurity?

One encounters this all the time, whether the communist leadership is attempting to deal with dissidents, the Dalai Lama or, more recently, Rebiya Kadeer, leader of the World Uyghur Congress.

Rebiya Kadeer, 62, who lives in exile in the US and is the mother of 11 children, stands accused of igniting the recent riots in Xinjiang, triggered by the killing of Uighur workers at a factory in Guangdong.

How she did all this thousands of kilometers away in the US is hard to comprehend, but Beijing is adamant, calling her a criminal and a terrorist.

Previously, she spent five years in a Chinese jail, and before that was said to be China’s richest businesswoman.

When the Chinese leadership decides to go after someone or some group, it does not concern itself with the plausibility of accusations.

Indeed, the ferocity with which China has pursued Kadeer is breathtaking.

Take, for example, this interview with Pan Zhiping (潘志平), a researcher at the Xinjiang Academy of Social Sciences. Talking about Kadeer with the Weekend Australian newspaper, she described her as “rotten meat, the kind that only attracts flies … The human rights she advocates are evil rights, murderers’ rights.”

Whatever Pan’s academic credentials, she is certainly an apt pupil of China’s political establishment.

Ordinary Chinese academics might verbalize the establishment’s anger, but the government always has a ready-made case to condemn victims.

Xinjiang authorities have already procured and flashed letters on TV from her two children and other relatives (including some of her grandchildren) to testify that Kadeer started the riots in Urumqi.

Beijing seems to think that the world is so gullible that it would swallow this stratagem of pitting children against parents. Then again, Chinese leaders have a history of believing their own propaganda when producing coerced confessions.

Kadeer’s children are convenient pawns in this political chess game, and the regime has no moral qualms in these matters.

While visiting Australia, Kadeer said: “It is shameful that the Chinese government has tried to turn the children of a mother against her. … It is immoral violence. It is a forgery, transparent propaganda.”

Five of her 11 children live in China, and two of her sons are in Chinese prisons.

Kadeer’s trip to Australia infuriated the Chinese authorities. They castigated Australia for allowing a “criminal” and a “terrorist” into the country while disregarding Chinese representations.

Kadeer went to Australia to attend the premiere of The 10 Conditions of Love, a documentary on her life, at the Melbourne International Film Festival.

The Chinese diplomatic mission in Australia tried unsuccessfully to stop this documentary from being screened. In a retaliatory measure, Chinese films that were part of the festival were withdrawn.

The Australian ambassador in Beijing was summoned to explain, and Melbourne’s mayor was warned that his city’s sister-city relationship with Tianjin might be annulled.

But the Australian authorities stood their ground, refusing to intervene in the screening of the film or withdraw Kadeer’s visa. But Kadeer met no Australian officials or ministers.

Like the Tibetan people, Uighurs fear ethnic cleansing and cultural decimation. It defies common sense why China, a powerful country of 1.3 billion people, cannot devise a workable policy of accommodating ethnic minorities like the Tibetans and the Uighurs.

Instead, when faced with dissent, the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) has always sought to deal with suspected enemies by demonizing them, and this brings us to the insecurity that is inherent in a system in which the ruling party has a monopoly on power.

The CCP’s insecurity borders on paranoia. Any challenge to it is a challenge to the nation.

Beijing demands utmost loyalty not only from Chinese citizens but also from nationals of other countries of Chinese descent. The party is, therefore, seeking to rally overseas Chinese around the flag.

At a recent congress for overseas Chinese, Wang Zhaoguo (王肇國), a politburo member, reportedly called on the delegates to use the “blood lineage” of their common descent “to achieve outstanding results in uniting the broad masses of overseas Chinese.”

To emphasize the indivisibility of national and party interests, he told delegates to “do a better job of uniting the force of the circle of overseas Chinese around the party and the government.”

This is a dangerous exercise, and Beijing has embarked on it quite openly.

Chinese diplomatic missions are already highly active in organizing and mobilizing overseas Chinese, as evidenced during the anti-Tibet rallies that accompanied the torch relay for the Beijing Olympics.

Beijing may not realize that the attempt to rally overseas Chinese could create a backlash against them if concerns are raised about their loyalty.

If Beijing persists with such politics, it won’t be long before some start accusing overseas Chinese as being part of a vast potential fifth column.

China feels emboldened by its new reach and power, and would argue that the benefits of rallying millions of overseas Chinese around the flag far outweigh any hostile reaction in other countries.

Beijing probably considers that no country in Asia — where most overseas Chinese live — would dare create trouble for its ethnic Chinese population for fear of crossing China.

If this is the line of thinking that is shaping China’s policies, it is not a good omen for the region, or for the world.

Sushil Seth is a writer based in Australia.

Disasters tell us who our friends really are
　

By James Wang 王景弘
Thursday, Aug 27, 2009, Page 8

The government is asking the public not to“overinterpret” its negligent handling of the disaster relief effort in southern Taiwan and its initial rejection of foreign aid before accepting US assistance.

President Ma Ying-jeou (馬英九), however, insists that US assistance is a sign of restored trust between Taiwan and the US.

The unspoken implication, of course, is that if former president Chen Shui-bian (陳水扁) and his administration had still been in power, the US would have stood by and watched Taiwanese die.

Such farfetched conclusions only prove that it is part of Ma’s character to take credit for other people’s achievements while shirking responsibility for his mistakes. “They” don’t want the rest of us to interpret the significance of the US’ disaster relief assistance, because that could put the spotlight on government negligence and incompetence, separate Taiwan’s friends from its enemies and make China lose face.

The US’ actions and a number of phrases used by its officials, such as “humanitarian assistance” and assisting “the Taiwanese people,” as well as a statement that there is “no need to inform China,” highlight the significance of this assistance.

The Taiwan Relations Act (TRA) stipulates that the US shall “resist any resort to force or other forms of coercion that would jeopardize the security, or the social or economic system, of the people on Taiwan,” making it a matter of legal implementation. The US does not recognize Taiwan as part of the People’s Republic of China, so it does not have to inform China of its actions.

The US’ disaster aid gives a clear response to the question of who Taiwan’s friends and enemies really are.

The US makes no territorial claims on Taiwan, and the TRA provides unilateral protection for Taiwan’s security and well-being, while China wishes to annex Taiwan, with its “Anti-Secession” Law threatening the use of force.

The government’s negligence included waiting until Aug. 13 before it asked for US assistance.

The next day, US aircraft landed in Taiwan in a display of the US’ organizational capabilities and highlighting the Taiwanese government’s incompetence and inability to understand that US helicopters could not fly from Guam or Japan to Taiwan.

By making this preposterous suggestion, Minister of National Defense Chen Chao-min (陳肇敏) showed he has no grasp of how the US carries out disaster relief in the region.

The US’ display was also a show of strength as far as China’s military was concerned. If the US could mobilize so quickly for disaster relief efforts, then of course it could do the same in the event of conflict.

Ma relies heavily on the legacy of Chiang Kai-shek (蔣介石), but doesn’t understand that it was the US’ military capabilities that saved Chiang’s skin in August 1958.

The Nationalist army on Kinmen could not compete with China’s firepower, so the US sent in eight-inch guns, which arrived on Sept. 19, finally giving the army the firepower to respond to the bombardment.

The significance of the US’ disaster aid does not lie in mutual trust.

Instead, it proves the folly of the government’s policy to move closer to China and distance itself from the US.

The TRA allows the US to assist Taiwan, and the US is the friend that will help to protect Taiwanese freedom and democracy.

James Wang is a media commentator.