| The Liberty Times 
Editorial: Harnessing the power of the people
 On June 9 the results of another opinion poll were released, which contained a 
number of rather interesting figures. One of these was that more than six out of 
every 10 respondents thought that President Ma Ying-jeou (馬英九), as chairman of 
the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT), would not be able to stamp out corruption 
within his own party. A similar percentage also expressed doubts that he would 
root out corruption among government officials or state-owned enterprises, as he 
recently announced he intends to do.
 
 The poll found that because of this skepticism, 57.5 percent of respondents 
believe Ma should concentrate on governing the country and relinquish the party 
chairmanship, with only just under 27 percent agreeing that he should continue 
holding both posts.
 
 That an opinion poll could show these results a week after the government and 
the KMT swore they would investigate incidences of corruption shows two things: 
The KMT is regarded by many as a lost cause and trust in the president has 
collapsed.
 
 In Taiwan’s first democratic transition of power in 2000, the Democratic 
Progressive Party (DPP) won the presidential election on promises of an 
anti-corruption drive. Eight years later, it had not delivered on that promise.
 
 In 2008, the KMT took the relay baton. Hardly four years had passed when a 
senior member of the party, a man close to Ma himself, former Executive Yuan 
secretary-general Lin Yi-shih (林益世), became embroiled in a major corruption 
scandal.
 
 Lin has been accused of employing gangster-style intimidation tactics to extort 
money, in a way that goes far beyond the average passive acceptance of bribes, 
and the public is incensed.
 
 So much for the Ma administration’s pretensions to being clean. Could it be that 
the chickens are finally coming home to roost?
 
 It is essential that political leaders maintain the public’s trust. If they lose 
that, their political careers are in serious jeopardy. If a national leader’s 
power is terminally weakened, the country suffers. What, then, of the 23 million 
people living in this country?
 
 A clear majority of respondents in the aforementioned poll oppose Ma holding 
both of his current positions, showing that there is already an overriding 
consensus among the public that Ma cannot steer the country on his own, and that 
he should delegate some of his power, allowing someone else to assume the KMT 
chairmanship.
 
 However, merely curtailing Ma’s power within the party does not go far enough, 
for it will only prevent him from controlling KMT legislators in his capacity as 
chairman, and from effectively deciding which major laws are passed.
 
 Even more important is how executive power is to be restored to its proper form, 
so that the system can operate as originally intended, instead of being 
controlled by one man from above.
 
 If the government is hobbled, how can the state provide citizens with a future 
or hope?
 
 In the past, Taiwanese presidents would seek consensus before deciding any 
contentious major national policies. From what has been observed in the 
machinations of the Presidential Office over the past few months, it is quite 
clear that Ma has no intention of going this route.
 
 The only way ahead now is for political, economic, social and other leaders to 
come forward and make themselves heard, to unite and bring about the possibility 
of entering into dialogue with Ma. This will require more than just one 
individual taking action — it will take a group of such people who are able to 
use their collective wisdom, ability and influence to propose reforms and 
impress upon Ma that he should — or rather, must — carry them out.
 
 No longer should he be allowed to encircle himself with a small clique of 
politicians who devise spurious, rash policies which Ma feels being president 
gives him the mandate to force upon the public, irrespective of what they want. 
In other words, Taiwan needs a model of leadership that comes from consensus 
within the wider social collective, rather than one in which Ma tells the public 
he has already decided what is going to happen.
 
 Over the next four years, Ma can be expected to be seen desperately clinging to 
power, continuing to entrench himself within his walled fortress as his 
perceived enemies lay siege. Meanwhile, those Taiwanese who are aware of the 
situation will have to figure out what to do about the huge obstacle lying in 
the way of the opportunities and potential of progress that the entire nation 
seeks to attain.
 
 If there is no way to remove this obstacle, people are going to have to find a 
way around it, at least as a temporary measure, because they cannot just stop 
moving forward. It is also incumbent upon the leaders of Taiwanese society to 
unite and speak with one voice, to prevent the government from foisting the 
ideas of the few onto the many.
 
 Over the past few months there have been voices of dissent from various quarters 
of society. The time is ripe to bring these ideas together and create sufficient 
pressure to get the government to change its ways. If the people succeed in 
doing this, future generations will be reading about it in the history books.
 
 Translated by Paul Cooper
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