For Taiwan XI

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Taiwan Tati Cultural And Educational Foundation  
B16F, No.3 Ta-tun 2nd St., Nan-tun Dist.  
Taichung 408, Taiwan, R.O.C  
August 9, 2001

                                            
Dear Miss Condoleezza Rice,  
       
Mr. Vice President Richard B. Cheney,

Reporter viewed the US Senate’s leading democrat on foreign policy warned China on Aug. 5, 2001, that without an “iron clad” commitment on nonproliferation every other aspect of the relationship with Washington was be damaged, why?

The relationship between Washington and Beijing appears to have entered a new phase, one in which they are getting to know each other better.

This new phase follows several clashes, exemplified by the mid-air collision between the US EP3 reconnaissance plane and a Chinese fighter, US President George W. Bush's pledge to "do whatever it takes to help Taiwan defend itself" and the first successful test of the US National Missile Defense system.

But China reacted in a low-key manner to the US arms sale to Taipei, as did the US to Beijing's successful bid for the 2008 Olympic Games. In addition, the Bush administration recently initiated a rush move to improve its relationship with Beijing, starting with a hot-line phone call from Bush to President Jiang Zemin. National Security Adviser Condoleeza Rice's recent speech about building a constructive relationship with China was also part of the administration's effort to readjust its relationship, while Secretary of State Colin Powell's visit to Beijing has been portrayed as a move to pave the way for Bush's trip to the APEC Summit this October in Shanghai.

All these events combine to show that the relationship between the US and China has gradually got onto the right track despite a rocky start. Although it is too soon to predict the result of the Jiang-Bush summit in October, discussion of the possibility of adjustments to US policy on cross-strait relations has drawn attention in Taiwan. Most of this attention centers upon the role the US can play, in terms of support for Taiwan and facilitating the resumption of cross-strait dialogue. Some also worry about the possibility of another episode like that of Clinton's "three noes" in 1998.

Since some high-ranking officials in Taiwan have suggested that the US should play a more active role in cross-strait relations, the issue of whether the US should actively promote cross-strait negotiations in the pursuit of peace and stability across the Taiwan Strait is a topic of some concern in Washington, Taipei and Beijing. However, any concrete changes to be made must be minor and the direction of US policy toward the cross-strait situation must remain consistent.

First, peace and stability in the Strait is not only conducive to security and prosperity in the Asia-Pacific region but also helps China with the continuation of its reforms. Both of these coincide with US interests. For its part, the US should continue to uphold its commitment to the security of Taiwan -- in accordance with the Taiwan Relations Act -- by strengthening the nation's security as a whole and by providing firm political support.

With regard to cross-strait relations, the US should continue its balancing and stabilizing role. The US stated quite clearly in its "six assurances" of 1982 that it would not be a mediator between Taiwan and China, and this policy has not changed. But, the US government should be more proactive and more constructive about guaranteeing security in the Strait and initiating the resumption of cross-strait dialogue. Taiwan should also cooperate more with the US to enhance democracy, human rights, peace in the Strait, and the stability and prosperity of the Asia-Pacific region.

In addition to the promotion of democracy and economic interests between Washington and Taipei, the maintenance of security and stability are a second major pillar of US-Taiwan relations.

After Beijing issued its White Paper on One China on Feb. 21, 2000, then-president Bill Clinton repeatedly mentioned that the two sides should resolve their problems peacefully. Clinton also mentioned last year, for the first time, the fourth pillar of US policy toward China -- that such issues should be resolved with the consent of the people of Taiwan. Bush should officially endorse this principle.

In addition to emphasizing the importance of respecting the free will of the people of Taiwan, the US can play an even more active role, if it is willing to do so. Ensuring lasting peace in the Strait is in the interests of Taiwan as well as the US. Moreover, the US should adopt the role of honest broker to promote dialogue between the two sides of the Strait. Ever since President Chen Shui-bian took office, Taiwan has demonstrated goodwill towards China and sincerity about resuming negotiations, but such talks must be held without preconditions. Given that Beijing has to date made no positive response to Taipei's goodwill gestures, Washington should utilize every possible channel to encourage Chinese leaders to come to the negotiating table.

Taiwan and the US share the same beliefs in freedom, democracy and human rights. In addition, holding up Taiwan's political and economic experiences as examples for China is consistent with the US policy of comprehensive engagement with China. Taiwan's prosperity and development and cross-strait peace and stability are consistent with US interests. I sincerely hope that Taiwan and the US will together make greater efforts to maintain peace in the Taiwan Strait and to safeguard the security and stability of the Asia-Pacific region.

The US should help to establish a constructive environment for dialogue, which will help to ease tensions. It should play the role of decisive facilitator.

Taipei, Aug. 7 Chief of the General Staff Gen. Tang Yao-ming warned his countrymen  Tuesday that the "seeming peace" across the Taiwan Strait belies Beijing's military ambitions against Taiwan.

In a speech to officers at the General Headquarters of the Combined Service Force, Tang said Taiwan should not base its national security on a "romantic vision" or "unrealistic illusion" regarding Beijing.

He warned that Beijing is pursuing a two-pronged policy: soliciting Taiwan's investment to "soften the alertness of the people of Taiwan," while building up military strength as a last resort to "bring the island to heel."

Beijing's "charm offense" against Taiwan businessmen is a circuitous way to bring pressure to bear on the Taiwan authorities through its own businessmen who are eager to explore the mainland markets, Tang claimed.

He warned the public not to lower their guard against Beijing, despite its repeated assurances that its military exercises are not targeted at Taiwan.

He also urged the Republic of China's armed forces to enhance their combat readiness in the face of Beijing's persistent military threat.

In short, the priority of Taiwan’s external relations relies on establishing close relations with the U.S. and Japan, that relating to keep the sea lanes and continental markets as free and open as possible.

As we have known that Taiwan is willing to play a larger and positive role to help enhance the US-Japan alliance.

In our viewpoints, if President Chen finds it inconvenient to attend the APEC’s meeting in person, at least, Beijing should respect his discretion instead of seeking to interfere.

Unfortunately, one Chinese diplomat said that Beijing would not resume a dialogue with Taipei before Chen agrees to embrace the “one China” condition.

However, as a host country of APEC’s summit in Beijing, should respect the rules of the game and welcome delegates from member states of the regional economic body.

It is that time of the year again -- time for Taiwan to begin another push to join the UN -- as the General Assembly gets ready to convene in September.

Unfortunately, many in Taiwan are showing miniscule enthusiasm toward a ninth attempt to pound on the door of the UN. In fact, besides Minister of Foreign Affairs Tien Hung-mao, no political figures have openly spoken on the subject so far.

However, Tien has indicated that Taiwan will neither seek an observer status first, nor seek to enter under any name besides the Republic of China. This statement suggests a lack of flexibility and pragmatism in the government's strategy. As UN observer status is extended to non-state entities, obtaining it poses fewer challenges to Taiwan. Therefore, it should be Taiwan's main objective at this time. Trying to enter the name ROC is equally unrealistic. In the past, this country has joined other international organizations such as the APEC under names including "Chinese Taipei." So why can't Taiwan demonstrate the same flexibility and pragmatism here?

The lack of enthusiasm for this year's UN bid is also troublesome. In view of the continuing support of Taiwan's friends and supporters overseas for such membership, people here should be ashamed. Thirteen members of the US House of Representatives, including long-time Taiwan supporter Bob Schaffer of Colorado, have proposed a resolution supporting Taiwan's participation in the UN and other international organizations, as well as demanding the US government help it win international support. Schaffer and some 40 members of the House also proposed a similar resolution last year.

Each year, overseas Taiwanese and Taiwanese groups such as the Formosan Association for Public Affairs (FAPA), also put in enormous efforts to campaign for Taiwan's participation in the UN and other international organizations such as the World Health Organization (WHO). In fact, FAPA has played a prominent role in the US's enactment of Public Law 106-137 in support of Taiwan's participation in the WHO.

The people of Taiwan cannot afford to appear as if they have lost their desire to be represented in the UN and other organizations. After all, much of the overseas support for Taiwan's international participation is premised on a belief that the people of Taiwan desire such participation. In fact, Public Law 106-137 specifically states, as a reason for supporting Taiwan's WHO membership, Taiwan's "expressed willingness" to take part in WHO activities. If this lack of enthusiasm in Taiwan continues, the world community will cease its support for Taiwan's bids.

This unconcerned attitude is understandable, given the failures of previous bids, as well as China's apparent ability to shut the UN door on Taiwan's face.

Nevertheless, one can hardly say progress, as painstakingly slow as it may seem, hasn't resulted from all the hard work.

For example, while Taiwan may not be a WHO member yet, prolonged campaigning has produced not only Public Law 106-137, but also US Secretary of Health and Human Services Tommy G. Thompson's announcement of Washington's support for Taiwan's WHO membership during that organization's annual conference in May. President George W. Bush also recently indicated in a letter to Senator Frank Murowski that the US should assist Taiwan in getting its voice heard in international organizations.

As long as the people of Taiwan continue to voice their desire for representation in the UN and the government continues to campaign for UN membership, progress will be forthcoming.

After expanding its use of torture and high-pressure indoctrination, China’s communist party has gained the upper hand in its protracted battle against the banned Falun Gong spiritual movement.

We thought that Taiwan were on the same condition by way of Beijing’s situation over international affairs. Taiwan needs your support.

   

                                                                   Yours Sincerely,

                                      

Yang Hsu-Tung.
President
Taiwan Tati Cultural  
               And Educational Foundation

                                                                          

 

 

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